Latest news with #Africans


Daily Maverick
4 hours ago
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
Civil society groups stand firm with rights institute against Operation Dudula protest
An anti-migrant protest by Operation Dudula outside Seri's offices backfired when civil society organisations gathered in solidarity with the rights group. Operation Dudula's mission to march to the offices of the Socio-Economic Rights Institute (Seri) and hand over a memorandum to the civil society organisation fell flat on Thursday, 17 July, when the anti-migrant group was confronted by several rights groups that had gathered outside Seri's offices. The anti-migrant group descended on the office in Braamfontein, Johannesburg, accusing the organisation of being 'unpatriotic' and protecting undocumented migrants (who they deem to be criminals) by providing them with legal support. It accused the South African Human Rights Commission and the Helen Suzman Foundation of doing the same. However, as Operation Dudula marched from Mary Fitzgerald Square to Nzunza House, where the Seri offices are located, several civil society organisations gathered outside the building in a show of solidarity with the rights organisation. 'We are here today to show solidarity to Seri, the Human Rights Commission, as well as the Helen Suzman Foundation, who have been attacked by Operation Dudula,' said Thapelo Mohapi, chairperson of Abahlali baseMjondolo. 'We are here for humanity, we are here to protect humanity and to protect our Constitution, which is now under attack more than ever.' Abahlali baseMjondolo's red-clad supporters were present in large numbers. Also there were members of Kopanang Africa Against Xenophobia (KAAX), SECTION27, the Institute for Economic Justice, Equal Education and several other civil society groups. While the crowd waited for Operation Dudula to arrive, they sang and danced, and their leaders voiced messages of support for Seri. 'We know Operation Dudula are angry and we understand why, but they are directing their anger at the wrong people. Our issue in South Africa is not migrants,' said KAAX's Dale McKinley. 'Our issue is poverty, unemployment, corruption and persistent budget cuts, but instead of directing their attention on holding the government accountable for those problems, Operation Dudula is targeting vulnerable people who had no part in creating them.' Tense showdown The sizeable crowd of green and white-clad Operation Dudula members arrived at the offices at 12.30, an hour later than expected, and what had been a peaceful gathering turned into a tense showdown between the organisations gathered to support Seri and the anti-migrant group. A throng of red and a mass of green and white military-style regalia were separated by a thin blue line of police officers. Operation Dudula members, some of them wielding sjamboks, hurled insults at the Seri supporters, calling them ' makwerekwere ' (a derogatory term for Africans born outside South Africa), threatening to beat them and telling them to go back home — even though most appeared to be South African citizens. Operation Dudula leader Zandile Dubula told a member of the South African Police Service that the police must remove the Seri supporters. 'We will not hand over the memorandum with these people here. Our members want to stand here and sing. They must move, our people must stand there,' said Dubula. The standoff between Operation Dudula and the civil society organisations lasted for more than an hour, with tensions mounting. An Operation Dudula member lunged at the police, who retaliated with pepper spray. Nkosinathi Sithole, Seri's director of litigation, said, 'If [Operation Dudula] say they are submitting a memorandum at Seri, they should know exactly who Seri's clients are, who Seri fight for, as opposed to the misconception they are presenting in the media.' Daily Maverick has reported on the court action of several rights groups to stop Operation Dudula from assaulting or harassing foreign nationals and impeding access to healthcare services and schools for the children of international migrants. The groups accused Operation Dudula of illegally demanding that individuals produce identity documents to prove their right to be in South Africa, and obstructing migrant's access to healthcare facilities and schools. Judgment in the matter has been reserved. Memorandum undelivered Addressing her organisation's members, Dubula accused the police of colluding with Seri by refusing to remove the crowd that had gathered to support the organisation, insisting that she would not hand over the memorandum while they were present. Dubula and the Operation Dudula members left with the memorandum undelivered, hurling insults and singing derogatory songs. Dubula told Daily Maverick, 'They [the Seri supporters] definitely took us by surprise. We have never come across such a situation. We are not doing anything wrong; we applied [to protest], and we have the right to be here. We didn't expect to get resistance, but this means that Seri is breaking laws because we have all the right to submit memorandums and Seri must be dealt with.' Sithole said Seri was disappointed that Operation Dudula left without delivering its memorandum, because the organisation was looking forward to engaging with the group. 'We were very much prepared to receive Operation Dudula's memorandum and to understand their concerns and make Seri's position clear to them. I think this is a sign that they had no intention to deliver the memo, because we were ready to accept it, and they refused,' he said. 'The reason they are taken aback is because they have a false perception about Seri as an organisation. We represent millions of South Africans.


DW
11 hours ago
- Politics
- DW
Why don't all Africans have free movement within Africa? – DW – 07/17/2025
The African Union's vision for seamless movement across the continent is facing challenges. The protocol that would allow Africans to move freely across borders remains largely unratified. The African Union's Protocol on Free Movement of Persons, adopted in 2018, aims to give Africans the right to live and work anywhere within the bloc. It was meant to complement the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) launched in 2019 and operationalized in 2021. But only four countries — Mali, Niger, Rwanda, and Sao Tome and Principe — have ratified the free movement protocol. Thirty-two other nations have signed the protocol, but it needs at least 15 ratifications to come into force. African Union (AU) officials are concerned about the slow pace towards ratifications and the implications for trade on the continent. "We know that without free movement of persons of goods and services, the ideals of AfCFTA would not be achieved," said Amma Adomaa Twum-Amoah, the AU's Commissioner for Health, Humanitarian Affairs and Social Development. "If they aren't able to move freely, then trading will become an issue," she told DW. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Security concerns top the list of reasons why African nations have been reluctant to ratify the protocol. "One of the things that they [African countries] usually mention is about security. If you open the borders won't people come in and terrorize and things like that?" Hardi Yakubu, movement coordinator of Africans Rising, an NGO that advocates for Pan-Africanism, told DW. Twum-Amoah echoed this sentiment, acknowledging that "for most member states, it is security." Margaret Kamar, a Kenyan senator and member of the Pan-African Parliament (PAP), the legislature of the African Union, added that the lack of harmonized border systems is another hurdle. "Everybody has small fears about security systems," she said. "At the border points, we realized that we have not harmonized the systems. When you open borders, you want to be sure that these rights to entry for any member of the partner states can be accounted for because you must account for the people." To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video There's also the issue of revenue. Many African governments rely on the income generated by visa application fees. A visa-free regime, they fear, could mean financial losses. But Twum-Amoah disagrees. "The idea of losing money, I really don't subscribe to it." Rwanda is being held up as a success story following its ratification of the protocol. The East African nation has also integrated its border systems to track entries efficiently — whether by land or air. "Rwanda has integrated their systems completely. Whether you enter Rwanda through a bus or through the airport, they can track you. So, we found that this is something that other countries can learn from," Kamar said. In terms of losing revenue from a visa-free policy, Kamar Rwanda cautioned against such fears. "Rwanda is a very good example where they increased the number of tourists and earned more from their expenditure inside the country than the $200 [$173], they would have been chasing, looking for a visa," she added. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video To address the slow pace of ratification, the AU has launched a peer-to-peer learning initiative to foster dialogue between nations to share best practices and address mutual concerns related to free movement. The first session was held in Accra, Ghana, earlier this month and more are planned. Twum-Amoah noted that "we need to also undertake a bit of education to let them [countries] know that" there are solutions. "We came up with some conclusions and one is to ensure that member states are all on the same page, exchange ideas so that we can move this protocol forward," she added. Twum-Amoah said solutions can be found for the challenges member countries have identified. "There are ways and means that we can do it, if we all work together." Kamar remains hopeful. "We realized that most of the challenges are actually the same between most of the partner countries," she said, adding that there would be the need to sell the idea to all African countries stressing the importance of ratifying the protocol. "You cannot have an African Continental Free Trade Area without a free movement of people because people must move with their goods," she concluded. "So, we cannot say we are going to trade freely if you are not moving. The movement of people must accompany them." To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video


Spectator
a day ago
- Politics
- Spectator
The crimes of Cecil Rhodes were every bit as sinister as those of the Nazis
This is a brave and learned book. I would recommend it to anyone interested in the history of Africa; who has taken sides in the recent quarrel about 'Rhodes Must Fall', in Oxford or other parts of the world; or who wants to entrench themselves in contrary positions in our apparent 'culture wars'. It is the biography of a vicar's son, born in Bishop's Stortford, Hertfordshire in 1853, who went as a teenager to Africa to join his elder brother who'd bought a plot of land in Natal. One day, walking past a stream by the side of a field, he noticed some pebbles gleaming especially brightly. They were diamonds. By the time Cecil Rhodes enrolled as an undergraduate at Oriel College, Oxford, aged 20, he had an annual income of £23,000 – the equivalent of about £1.5 million today. Money is power, and the diamond and gold mines of South Africa made Rhodes and his pals prodigiously rich. Today's billionaires, such as Elon Musk, may make half-hearted attempts to involve themselves in government, but compared with Rhodes they are lightweights. Here was a man whose fantastic wealth and power mania awoke greed in others – among them Alfred Beit and Natty Rothschild – and who eventually encouraged the Liberal imperialists and Colonial Office in London to embrace the dream of taking over an entire continent. We are still living with the consequences. I know that some Spectator readers think it amusing to see Rhodes as a bit of a hero – or at least scorn those who protested outside the building on the High Street in Oxford adorned by his statue. He was certainly one of the greatest benefactors the university ever had. In his will endowing the Rhodes scholarships he specified that 'no student shall be disqualified for election on account of his race or religion'. William Kelleher Storey explains that, although these are the words, Rhodes probably meant by 'race' simply American, British or German (he set aside three scholarships for Germans) and that he did not necessarily envisage giving money to Africans to study at Oxford. He was entirely deaf to Gladstone's words at the beginning of the First Boer War: 'Remember the rights of the savage, as we call him.' Rhodes was unapologetically racist. Oxford was where his imperialist aspirations flowered. He heard John Ruskin lecture and it made him want England to 'found colonies as fast and as far as she is able'. Reading William Winwood Reade's The Martyrdom of Man when an undergraduate was crucial. Rhodes kept a copy beside him till his death. 'That book – which asserted the superiority of Europeans to Asians and Africans as a matter of scientific fact derived from the evolutionists – has made me what I am,' he wrote. Europeans, he sincerely believed, had the most highly developed intellects: 'Let me ask those who admit the development of all civilised people from a savage state… how it is that Europeans have advanced, while others have remained in a savage state.' The 'Hindoos' and Chinese were cited as being obvious examples. The Colonialist is primarily a work of history, which places Rhodes's actions and achievements in the story of Africa. It is not really a personal book, and I wanted much more about the man himself. For example, he and Leander Starr Jameson (of the celebrated raid) probably had some kind of relationship, but because Storey can find no evidence for Rhodes's homosexuality he does not reflect on it. Rhodes's desire to connect the whole of Africa from the Cape to Cairo and to make it all British is described in meticulous detail. And it was to this cause that he devoted his time and money – from his first discovery of diamonds in his brother's streams to his last days, when he was richer than almost anyone else in the British Empire. By then he was the director of several gold and mining companies and in a position to bribe tribal elders, kings and chieftains with arms and cash to allow him to create a whole new country: Rhodesia. Women play almost no part, and you can't help feeling that the whole story is essentially gay (though I still can't explain why this is so obvious on every page). Open-pit mining for diamonds was catastrophically dangerous, as well as being hideously hard work. But when African labourers fell to their deaths in landslides they were deemed stupid for not understanding the warnings bellowed at them in a language they did not speak. The book astutely reminds us that neither Rhodes nor his American mining engineer and sidekick Gardner Fred Williams had any idea of what life was like in the mines from which they made their millions. Workers would be strip-searched before returning home in case they had stolen a single gemstone, or kept totally naked in corrals for four or five days and then subjected to enemas. Rhodes pressed on from what is now South Africa to take possession of the territories of modern Zambia and Zimbabwe which for decades bore his name – north and south Rhodesia. And it was he who egged on Jameson to launch his raid on the Transvaal in 1895. The attempt to topple Paul Kruger, the Boer leader, was responsible for the Second Boer War, in which Lord Kitchener behaved with unforgettable brutality towards the Boers, exposing them to scorching heat in concentration camps – that British invention – and killing thousands of civilians. Storey's difficulty is that of any historian of European or American background approaching this subject. The Colonial Office and Queen Victoria were initially doubtful about the Rudd Concession of 1888, whereby King Lobengula of Matabeleland supposedly agreed to concede Bulawayo to the British in exchange for guns and money. But even if they doubted the legitimacy of these arrangements, and were prepared to prosecute Jameson for his undoubtedly illegal raid, the British government and their monarch were in the end willing to fight a war to defend the principle which ruled the piratical Rhodes's life. This was that Africa should not be in the hands of the Dutch, the Portuguese or the Germans – and certainly not the Africans. The continent was far better off being administered by British boys who had been to boarding schools and read Rider Haggard. Rhodes's influence, based on gold and diamonds, turned the morally nuanced British nation and Empire, which like most institutions was a mixture of good and evil, into a brigand state. And so the British persuaded themselves that they were entitled to own and plunder Africa, and that such greedy dishonesty was a sign of their moral superiority to the inhabitants. This insanity can largely be attributed to the propensity of suddenly acquired wealth to drive the possessor mad. Rudyard Kipling was a great writer, but his enthusiasm for Rhodes's vision for Africa was deluded. This cannot be a matter of opinion, like taking sides when dis-cussing Charles I vs Oliver Cromwell in the English Civil War. Those who scream with rage against Rhodes and his legacy are simply right and those who try to defend him and what he did are simply wrong. Being a wishy-washy white man of a certain age, I want to add, of course, that this is not a reason why Rhodes Must Fall – if by that is meant not just removing his effigies but seeking to erase his memory. We need to know the history – which is so punctiliously told in this book. It has never been related before in such detail, or with such impartiality, or awareness of the rage which the very name of Rhodes inspires in African hearts. I am glad I'm not a Fellow of Oriel, or Warden of Rhodes House in Oxford, having to work out what to say to the Rhodes Must Fall contingent. Much of Oriel's wealth and the very existence of Rhodes House derive from crimes every bit as sinister as those perpetrated by the Third Reich.


New York Post
a day ago
- Health
- New York Post
Martial art that emerged among the enslaved in Brazil is helping Parkinson's patients
Nilma Teles de Freitas, an 80-year-old retired teacher in Brazil who was diagnosed with Parkinson's disease more than a decade ago, says she used to fall over all the time. That changed after she began attending a capoeira class in downtown Rio de Janeiro especially designed for people with the neurodegenerative illness. Capoeira is a movement practice that originated within the large enslaved communities in Brazil, where nearly 5 million kidnapped Africans disembarked during the transatlantic slave trade that started in the 16th century. 3 Capoeira is a movement practice that originated within the large enslaved communities in Brazil. AP It is considered both a martial art and a dance, combining ritual, exercise, spirituality and music. 'Capoeira gives me freedom to work on my body. What I can do. What I can't do. So I can have balance and a more comfortable life,' Teles de Freitas said during a recent class. Practiced for centuries by Afro-Brazilians, it has since become popular around the world. UNESCO recognized the practice in 2014 as Intangible Cultural Heritage. The project started in 2018 with physical therapist Rosimeire Peixoto, 60, who at that point had been attending capoeira classes herself for over a decade. After working with many patients with Parkinson's, she said she became convinced that introducing them to capoeira may help alleviate some of their symptoms. Parkinson's has a range of different symptoms, and along with difficulties in balancing, some common ones include slowness of movement, tremors and stooped posture. Patients can also experience anxiety, depression, sleeping disorders and nausea. 3 The project started in 2018 with physical therapist Rosimeire Peixoto, 60, who at that point had been attending capoeira classes herself for over a decade. AP 'I had the idea after reading an article that said alternating both hands when using a cell phone stimulates both hemispheres of the brain,' she said. 'And as a physiotherapist treating neurological patients, I was lacking exercises that would motivate them.' Peixoto's project was dubbed 'Parkinson na ginga' — or 'Parkinson's in the swing' — a reference to the first fluid, rhythmic step that capoeira practitioners learn. She now holds classes twice a week in the Progress Foundry, a sprawling cultural center in downtown Rio next to a famed white 18th century aqueduct and surrounded by palm trees. Capoeira helps improve balance, coordination and strength, with music loosening up tense bodies, Peixoto says. 'There is a lot happening in a capoeira circle. They feel the vibration, the energy, they pay attention to the music and to the partner to dodge blows' and to themselves, she said. 3 Capoeira helps improve balance, coordination and strength, with music loosening up tense bodies, Peixoto says. AP During a recent class, Peixoto walked among the students, placing a gentle hand on a back here and there to help with balance, patiently repeating demonstrations and offering words of encouragement. Antônio de Azevedo, who was diagnosed with Parkinson's disease a few years ago, said he could hardly stand before. But since he started practicing capoeira, his stability returned. 'It's the best thing that's ever happened to me,' he said while he attended a capoeira class with around 10 other people, all with Parkinson's. Peixoto tries to make the classes a fun and social event — she often suggests a group samba dance at the end of the class, and regularly brings a cake to share. Teles de Freitas, the retired teacher, says that she loves the camaraderie among the class. 'We are there for one another,' she said. 'Feeling and conversing with friends gives strength.' She remembers how when she got her diagnosis, she left the doctor's office crying, terrified of the future. 'Today I'm smiling,' she said. 'I'm managing to live. I'm managing to interact with other people. I'm managing to be happy.'


Arab Times
2 days ago
- Health
- Arab Times
Parkinson's patients in Brazil turn to a movement practice known as capoeira to ease symptoms
RIO DE JANEIRO, July 16, (AP): Nilma Teles de Freitas, an 80-year-old retired teacher in Brazil who was diagnosed with Parkinson's disease more than a decade ago, says she used to fall over all the time. That changed after she began attending a capoeira class in downtown Rio de Janeiro especially designed for people with the neurodegenerative illness. Capoeira is a movement practice that originated within the large enslaved communities in Brazil, where nearly 5 million kidnapped Africans disembarked during the transatlantic slave trade that started in the 16th century. It is considered both a martial art and a dance, combining ritual, exercise, spirituality and music. "Capoeira gives me freedom to work on my body. What I can do. What I can't do. So I can have balance and a more comfortable life,' Teles de Freitas said during a recent class. Practiced for centuries by Afro-Brazilians, it has since become popular around the world. UNESCO recognized the practice in 2014 as Intangible Cultural Heritage. The project started in 2018 with physical therapist Rosimeire Peixoto, 60, who at that point had been attending capoeira classes herself for over a decade. After working with many patients with Parkinson's, she said she became convinced that introducing them to capoeira may help alleviate some of their symptoms. Parkinson's has a range of different symptoms, and along with difficulties in balancing, some common ones include slowness of movement, tremors and stooped posture. Patients can also experience anxiety, depression, sleeping disorders and nausea. "I had the idea after reading an article that said alternating both hands when using a cell phone stimulates both hemispheres of the brain,' she said. "And as a physiotherapist treating neurological patients, I was lacking exercises that would motivate them.' Peixoto's project was dubbed "Parkinson na ginga' - or "Parkinson's in the swing' - a reference to the first fluid, rhythmic step that capoeira practitioners learn. She now holds classes twice a week in the Progress Foundry, a sprawling cultural center in downtown Rio next to a famed white 18th century aqueduct and surrounded by palm trees. Capoeira helps improve balance, coordination and strength, with music loosening up tense bodies, Peixoto says. "There is a lot happening in a capoeira circle. They feel the vibration, the energy, they pay attention to the music and to the partner to dodge blows' and to themselves, she said. During a recent class, Peixoto walked among the students, placing a gentle hand on a back here and there to help with balance, patiently repeating demonstrations and offering words of encouragement. Antônio de Azevedo, who was diagnosed with Parkinson's disease a few years ago, said he could hardly stand before. But since he started practicing capoeira, his stability returned. "It's the best thing that's ever happened to me,' he said while he attended a capoeira class with around 10 other people, all with Parkinson's. Peixoto tries to make the classes a fun and social event - she often suggests a group samba dance at the end of the class, and regularly brings a cake to share. Teles de Freitas, the retired teacher, says that she loves the camaraderie among the class. "We are there for one another,' she said. "Feeling and conversing with friends gives strength.' She remembers how when she got her diagnosis, she left the doctor's office crying, terrified of the future. "Today I'm smiling," she said. "I'm managing to live. I'm managing to interact with other people. I'm managing to be happy.'