
How the Bank of England's £900bn money-printing spree went horribly wrong
The dangers of printing money are well-documented. Too much money chasing too few goods leads to higher prices and lower growth.
Hundreds of billions of pounds of so-called quantitative easing (QE) during the financial crisis skewed this perception as the Bank of England repeatedly fired up the printing presses to try to revive the UK's ailing economy.
Inflation at first failed to rear its ugly head, until it did. And policymakers and taxpayers are now counting the cost of Britain's £895bn monetary experiment.
QE is a process where Threadneedle Street creates money that is used to buy government bonds, known as gilts, to help drive down the cost of borrowing.
Commercial lenders then park that cash at the central bank where they earn interest at the current base rate.
When interest rates were at record lows of 0.1pc during the pandemic, the Bank earned far more on the returns from government bonds than it had to dish out in interest.
By the end of 2021, the Old Lady was in profit to the tune of £123.9bn.
But that was quickly eroded when interest rates started rising, with a 'consistently higher Bank Rate' resulting in 'large interest losses' of £18.5bn in the last financial year alone, according to the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR).
But that's not all. The Bank is also actively selling its stockpile of gilts back to the market in a move called quantitative tightening (QT), crystallising billions of pounds of losses for the taxpayer.
Many economists, politicians and central bankers believe this is a mistake, as it means that some of the bonds Threadneedle Street bought during the crisis are being sold at knockdown prices.
In some of the most extreme cases, bonds bought for the equivalent of £1 have been sold for 28p.
These so-called 'valuation losses' will dwarf the money being paid out in interest if the Bank continues to actively reduce its stockpile of gilts by around £48bn a year.
The total cost to the taxpayer over the scheme's lifetime is currently estimated at around £150bn by both the Bank of England and OBR. That's the equivalent of a £5,000 tax on each household.
QE was never intended to be permanent, but few predicted it would turn out to be so expensive.
When Labour chancellor Alistair Darling first authorised the so-called asset purchase facility (APF) to hoover up £50bn of bonds in January 2009, he assured the public that the assets would be 'held for no longer than is necessary to ensure stability and protect taxpayer interests'.
However, more than 15 years after the first tranche of money printing was put into action, the amount of gilts held in the Bank's asset purchase facility remains at £620bn.
Lord King, governor of the Bank at the time, says policymakers have reached for the QE tool too readily.
Speaking at an event last week, he said: 'I think what that led to was a view that 2016 ... [became], I've got some bad news here, we've voted to leave the EU. If we get bad news, we've got to do something; let's do QE. Pandemic: bad news again, what do we do? Let's do QE.
'But there are some kinds of bad news that do require a monetary policy response and other kinds of bad news that do not justify a monetary response.
'You've got to be able to tell the difference between the two. I think the QE in 2020 went way beyond stabilising markets without any plausible justification for it.'
Research published by the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) last year blamed active QT, where the Bank sells bonds back to the market before they mature, for raising Britain's long-term borrowing costs by around 0.7 percentage points.
Sir John Redwood, a former director of policy for Margaret Thatcher, says the damaging costs of QT are unlikely to prevent similarly bad choices from being made in the future.
'I don't think the authorities learnt anything from this disastrous experiment that is having such a big impact on the public finances,' he says. 'It is self-inflicted harm on a huge scale.'
'The Bank of England has provided no cogent justification for selling bonds for big losses in the market. It says it doesn't have a monetary impact. Well, that is wrong [and] no Chancellor has challenged it.'
There is a general sense that politicians are starting to wake up to the issue.
Rachel Reeves, the Chancellor, wrote to Andrew Bailey last week in a letter that impressed on the Governor three times that the process of reducing the Bank's stockpile of bonds must provide 'value for money'.
The Bank's decision to delay an auction of long-term debt after Donald Trump sparked bond market jitters with his tariff tirade shows that it's listening, while the Treasury's Debt Management Office is also moving away from long-term debt.
There is another big shift happening in the background that will, with any luck, help the Bank leave behind its radical money printing era. Instead of buying bonds, the central bank wants to move to a more normalised system of providing cash on demand through what's known as repurchase or 'repo' operations.
Paul Tucker, a former Bank deputy governor, says it's time to move away from a reliance on QE to fix crises.
'I think in this country, the Bank has lost the sense of a distinction between a market maker of last resort intervention, where you purchase government bonds, and a QE intervention, where you're purchasing government bonds to stimulate aggregate demand,' he says.
'The bank has, since the liability-driven investment (LDI) episode, gotten closer to what I think should be orthodoxy.'
Orthodoxy means actually sticking to the late Darling's principle of temporary and targeted intervention.
It turns out that targeted intervention can be quite profitable for the taxpayer. The Bank made £3.5bn by buying almost £19.3bn of long-term government debt following the LDI crisis that threatened pension funds in 2022.
Meanwhile, it comes as politicians across the spectrum are paying greater levels of attention to the process of quantitative tightening.
Reform has vowed to stop paying interest on reserves held at the central bank in a move it claims could save £35bn a year.
However, Bailey warned in a recent speech that this could undermine the Bank's task of keeping inflation low 'and could cause significant harm to the credibility of monetary policy'. In other words, the Bank could lose control.
Bailey has also highlighted that moving back to a world where the Bank responds to demand rather than actively buying gilts could make taxpayers more cash.
Threadneedle Street takes a small cut every time commercial banks tap the Bank for cash and that money can quickly add up.
Sanjay Raja, at Deutsche Bank, says there is a case for winding down the Bank's stockpile of gilts entirely.
'This would, ultimately, reduce the Treasury's transfer payments to the Bank, and reduce the fiscal burden of its QE operations,' he says.
Raja also believes the bar for future QE is already higher.
'The effects of QE have been mixed,' he says. 'Concerns on taxpayer value for money have also now come to the fore.
'And given the political attention that QE and QT have attracted, central bankers may be more wary of turning to QE in the first instance – unless, of course, the occasion calls for it.'
But don't wave goodbye to QE just yet. One former insider says that while the Old Lady may be scarred by money printing, that doesn't mean she won't fire up the printing presses again.
'I can tell you that the government of the day were desperate for us to do whatever we could,' they recall. 'They wanted to go much further, much faster, buy all sorts of stuff, and whatever it took to rescue the economy'.
So if desperate times fall again, QE may be the Bank's only option – regardless of how much pain it will cause the taxpayer for decades to come.
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The Guardian
20 minutes ago
- The Guardian
Highgate cemetery families confront bosses in row over new building
Dozens of grave owners confronted Highgate cemetery's bosses and their architects this week in a growing row over a maintenance and toilet block in a part of the graveyard where almost 200 people were recently buried. The cemetery called Tuesday's private meeting in an attempt to placate objectors by setting out adjustments to a new building that is part of an £18m redevelopment of the graveyard. But the meeting descended into heckles, chants, a walkout, legal threats, demands for compensation and accusations that cemetery was putting the needs of tourists above mourners. A recording of the meeting, heard by the Guardian, revealed unanimous and often furious opposition to what grave owners have called 'the bunker'. The controversial block is due to be located on the mound, an area of the cemetery of about 170 recent graves including those of the sociologist Prof Stuart Hall, the artist Gustav Metzger, and the critic Tom Lubbock. Among those objecting were the actor Bertie Carvel, whose mother, Pat, was buried on the mound in 2019. He told the meeting it was 'crazy' to locate the 'brutalist' building in part of the cemetery 'most frequented by active mourners'. Pleading with the cemetery's managers, he said: 'I'm sure it is not deliberately insensitive but given the strength of feeling please, please, please will you stop. Go away and rethink.' His fellow actor Pam Miles demanded that the cemetery pay for the cost of exhuming the remains of her actor husband, Tim Pigott-Smith, if the scheme goes ahead. 'It leaves us no option but to exhume. In the circumstances it would be fair to expect you to repay us for these expensive graves.' Staff from Hopkins Architects, who designed the scheme, were repeatedly heckled and shouted down as they argued the building could not be placed in any other part of the 14.5-hectare (36-acre) graveyard. A lawyer, who afterwards asked not to be named, said he and others were planning to sue the cemetery for breach of contract. The man, who owns a double plot where his partner his buried, told the meeting: 'What we bought was a site with open views and you are changing that. You need to think about whether there are potential legal ramifications from people like me if you carry on with this.' Separately, a letter to the cemetery's trustees signed by more than 30 grave owners, claimed the charity had breached consumer rights of those who had recently bought plots by failing to inform them of the plan to redevelop the cemetery. It also threatened to report the trust to the Charity Commission over consultation failures and reputational damage to the cemetery. And it warned they were prepared to allege mismanagement to the National Heritage Lottery Fund, at a time when the cemetery is seeking £18m of funding for the redevelopment. At the meeting architects defended the building. One denied it was brutalist, saying: 'That's just not correct. There's more poetry to it than that.' One of the objectors shouted: 'Bollocks.' Undeterred, the architects outlined proposed changes to the block including removing an accessible toilet and reducing the height and width of the building. At this point Natalie Chambers, whose parents are both buried on the mound, left the meeting in protest. As she left she said: 'I'm appalled. You don't listen to us one bit. My father was in the Warsaw ghetto. And you are so disgusting I don't even want to come to the cemetery any more.' There followed a chant from the room of: 'We don't want the building.' A screenwriter, Anna Seifert-Speck, whose husband was buried on the mound in 2019, said: 'We are asking you to reconsider bulldozing over our complaints. Lowering the thing a little bit isn't going to work, it's not want we want.' Another grave owner said: 'It's a graveyard for us. It's not a tourist site.' A barrister said the mound area was the 'worst possible' location for the building. 'There is a concentration of nothing but contemporary graves there. That's why you have so many people in this room. My young daughter lies there. 'You must see that the notion of having toilets right next to the graves of loved ones causes pain and anguish. The solution is simple: don't build on the mound.' Speaking after the meeting, Carvel said: 'Mourning in a cemetery ranks higher than visiting a place of historic interest. The force of those arguments must have rung loud to anyone with an ounce of humanity. But we are also dealing with a corporate decision-making process and I remain somewhere between anxious and cynical about the extent to which that organisation will look itself in the mirror and admit it was wrong.' The architects and trustees agreed to reflect on the feedback and report back to the grave owners in the coming weeks. Elizabeth Fuller, the chair of the Friends of Highgate Cemetery Trust, acknowledged failures in the way recent grave owners had been consulted about the plans and pledged 'better communication in the future'. At the start of the meeting she said: 'As required by the planning process, and by [the] reality [of the site], we have had to balance the benefits and harms of all constituent elements. We will commit to amending our plans wherever possible.'


Telegraph
26 minutes ago
- Telegraph
I run a French university course on why Britain is such a mess – I won't run out of material
Your 60-minute exam on 'Public Policy Failure and the British State: A History in Twelve Case Studies' starts…. now. Turn the page and read Clarissa Eden's diary entry for November 4 1956, in the midst of the Suez Crisis, and answer the question: 'Do the personalities involved in a given policy failure matter as much, if not more than, the ideas themselves?' Bon courage! For the past three years, 38-year-old Oxford academic Oliver Lewis has been teaching an oversubscribed course at Sciences Po – the Paris university that produced six of France's last eight presidents – while researching a DPhil (equivalent to a PhD) on UK rail privatisation as a 'case study in British public policy failure, 1985-1997'. The source of Lewis's inspiration, he believes, was his father's scientific expertise in materials failure. After earning degrees in History and Politics at the London School of Economics and King's College London – and a short stint in financial services – Lewis was unable to shake off his interest in a different sort of failure, dating back to his study of the privatisation of British Rail for A-level Economics. Having enrolled at Oxford for his DPhil, he won a year's fellowship to Sciences Po in 2021 as part of an exchange programme. The following year, he was asked to develop a 12-week course. It has now been taken by over 200 French, British and other international students at the university dubbed ' la fabrique des élites ' (the elite factory). 'Regardless of citizenship, there is a universal curiosity in a country that has gone from one of the richest in the world to a mediocre one,' says Lewis. 'There is definitely a general feeling that something has gone deeply wrong for Britain. When I tell people that my DPhil is on railways and public policy failure, they say, 'Well, you won't run out of material'.' There has certainly been no shortage of recent stories highlighting problems with Britain's rail infrastructure. In December, The Telegraph reported on an 18-mile line in Northumberland – a victim of the Beeching cuts in the 1960s – which took three decades to be rebuilt after plans for its reopening were first mooted in the 1990s. When work finally began in 2019, the £160 million project was due to be completed by spring 2023. It eventually opened in December 2024, by which time the estimated cost had nearly doubled to £298 million – and only two of its six stations were ready. Nevertheless, the curiosity displayed by Lewis's enthusiastic students appears untainted by any contempt for the country they have been studying. 'I have always been a fan of the UK,' says Milan Wojcieszek, a 23-year-old Polish student at the University of Amsterdam, currently on a year-long exchange at Sciences Po. 'I admire your newspaper culture and the civilised way in which you debate in Parliament. But for me, Brexit appeared an irrational decision in a country where everything seemed to be going right, and I wanted to understand the motivations behind it better. 'I still like the British attitude, but the course put an end to the picture in my head that people from western Europe have a superior intellect when it comes to statecraft. It raised my national self-esteem: if these guys can f--- up, maybe we're not so stupid.' But what about his French classmates, the Pompidous, Mitterands and Chiracs of the future? Did they enjoy a good laugh about l es Rosbifs while quietly taking notes on mistakes to avoid? 'I did not see a visible enthusiasm for smirking about their arch-rivals shooting themselves in the foot,' says Wojcieszek, who hopes to become an entrepreneur when he graduates. 'I guess what I saw was more sympathy and curiosity.' Wojcieszek's classmate Amélie Destombes, a second-year student at King's College London currently on secondment to Sciences Po, confirms the impression that Britain is a fascinating country to study – if not for the most reassuring reasons. 'I've had conversations with many French students who have brought up Rishi Sunak, Liz Truss or Boris Johnson – so there's a pretty bad reputation,' she says. Brexit is often the hook that attracts European students to Lewis's course – although many might be unaware that he stood for Reform, originally founded as the Brexit Party, in last year's general election for the Montgomeryshire and Glyndŵr seat, where he came second to Labour. Now no longer active in the party, Lewis adopts a rigorously apolitical stance in his seminars. 'Our duty is to truth, not to subjectivity or opinion,' he explains. In any case, he argues, 'it's too early to tell' with Brexit. Instead, he roots his teaching in historical method, blending aspects of anthropology and law, as befits Sciences Po's interdisciplinary approach. This results in a 12-part lecture series on the 'long 20th century' that seeks to understand 'how we got to this malaise,' what lessons can be learnt for other countries, and whether British decline is reversible. The course begins with the First World War, a well-documented event, before exploring three further foreign policy failures: appeasement in the 1930s, the Partition of India in 1947, and the Suez Crisis of 1956. It then shifts focus to domestic issues, covering Northern Ireland, comprehensive education, the 'financialisation' of the economy, the poll tax, rail privatisation – which Lewis estimates has cost taxpayers over £120 billion – and Private Finance Initiatives (PFIs). This shift in focus reflects the changing role of a state that, over the past 100 years, has been asked to do more with less. 'For most of its history, the British state dealt only with defence and with imperial concerns,' explains Lewis. 'Its culture and institutions were designed to serve a different purpose. They are, therefore, not terribly efficacious when it comes to solving domestic problems. Britain is in a uniquely unfortunate position because its global role coincided with a domestic economy that could not shoulder its defence burden.' This, Lewis says, did deep, long-term damage, meaning the country 'could not adjust to its drastically reduced role post 1970, with the result that domestic public policy has been poorly planned, poorly executed – and at times poorly financed too.' Prof Sir Ivor Crewe, a distinguished political scientist, is the author of The Blunders of Our Governments, which features on the reading list for Lewis's course – alongside films such as Rogue Trader (the Nick Leeson biopic), and The Navigators, Ken Loach's story of Sheffield rail workers affected by privatisation. 'It's hard to say if Britain is appreciably worse than other countries such as Italy, France or Germany,' he says. 'But it's difficult to imagine students in Britain being very interested in the mistakes of those countries.' The Blunders of Our Governments, co-authored with the late Prof Anthony King and published in 2013, includes well-known British disasters such as the Millennium Dome and membership of the European Exchange Rate Mechanism, as well as more niche blunders like New Labour's individual learning accounts and the Child Support Agency spending two years chasing a childless gay man over a daughter who didn't exist. The book argues that the British political system suffers from a dwindling talent pool, limited understanding of project management, ineffective checks and balances and inconsequential penalties for failure. Although decisive governments can make effective policy, it is just as easy for incompetent ministers to make bad decisions – a problem that has worsened since the Thatcher and Blair governments. 'With the best will in the world, I have found it difficult to identify successes since 2010,' says Crewe, who is currently working on a new edition of the book covering fresh blunders such as austerity, High Speed 2 and Covid. 'Even when I ask Conservative commentators, it's pretty thin gruel.' Lewis's course at Sciences Po concludes with the Iraq War, before devoting the final lecture to a handful of public policy successes, including PAYE and Bank of England inflation targeting, followed by a plenary discussion on the past and the future. 'My main takeaway is that, when we make policy, it impacts real people,' says Destombes, who hopes to work in British public policy after graduating. 'There needs to be better research on the communities that are affected.' Gabriel Ward, a third-year student at the LSE who took the course at the same time, cites Nicholas Ridley – the Cabinet minister responsible for introducing Thatcher's poll tax (and the son of a viscount) – dismissing people's financial worries by saying, 'Well, they could always sell a picture.' 'There's a disconnect between policy makers and those who would feel it most,' says Ward. 'I was constantly struck by the gap between ideology and practicality.' Wojcieszek's conclusion is that even a strong political system can lead to bad decision making. 'It reinforced my belief that what really matters is visionary leaders who can propose something unpopular,' he says. Lewis wants his students to 'leave with a knowledge that ideas can be as dangerous as they can be powerful.' But inevitably, he has some interesting ideas himself on how Britain might extricate itself from problems that began last century and have worsened since the millennium. 'I used to think that dealing with Britain's 'issues' would be a 30-year project,' he says. 'I now think it's a 50-year one. In the short run, the solution is attracting the best human capital into politics. In the long run, it's education. The education of our future political elite is a massive burning platform.' Lewis is an admirer of the French lycée system, as well as the strong sense of national pride at Sciences Po, where 'virtually every corridor has a tricolour and its primary duty is to the people of France.' Dismissing claims in a recent book that Sciences Po is a hotbed of woke radicalism – 'This obviously afflicts all institutions' – Lewis applauds 'the genius of de Gaulle and the reset of the 1950s,' which Britain has never had, with the possible limited exception of the Northcote-Trevelyan Civil Service reforms of the 19th century, aimed at moving away from patronage and towards a meritocratic system. 'Our electoral system creates a duopoly in which there's no market for ideas,' he says. 'We've never really had a proper conversation about the role of the state in our lives. 'An absence of vision and standards seems to affect every branch of the British state. It's now at emergency levels. Britain's standard of living is on course to be overtaken by Poland's by 2030. The electorate is not going to accept that decline. Something will have to give.'


The Sun
26 minutes ago
- The Sun
Sheffield Wednesday placed under transfer embargo by EFL as owner is accused of holding club ‘hostage'
SHEFFIELD WEDNESDAY have been placed under a registration embargo for failure to pay wages on time. The Owls will be prevented from adding players to their squad for the 2025/26 Championship season due to multiple breaches of EFL regulations on payment obligations. 3 3 The club were charged this week after failing to pay both players and staff members their wages for May. The sanction has heaped yet more pressure on Owls owner Dejphon Chansiri, who has apologised profusely for the delayed wages, to sell the club. An American consortium is looking to buy the Yorkshire outfit but has had TWO PROPOSALS rejected by Thai tycoon Chansiri. Labour MP for Sheffield South East, Clive Betts, is leading the calls for Chansiri to sell, saying: "He must accept that he needs to sell Wednesday to prevent the complete collapse of the club. "We as fans deserve better. "It breaks my heart to see the club I have followed all my life being held hostage by an owner who clearly has no interest or care for us. "It is clear that Chansiri does not have the ability or resources to fund and invest in Sheffield Wednesday." Wednesday have vowed to pay players and staff as soon as possible. JOIN SUN VEGAS: GET £50 BONUS 3 A club statement read: "The club continue to seek a resolution regarding outstanding salaries due for the month of May at the earliest possible opportunity. "Mr Chansiri sincerely apologises to all players, coaches and staff affected and everyone connected with the club." Former Premier League star, 39, sent off after 55 seconds for headbutting rival's BACK in EFL clash Chansiri's ten-year ownership of Wednesday has been filled with financial issues. The Yorkshire club were deducted six points in the 2021/21 season, in which they were relegated to League One, for breaching spending rules. And they were placed under registration embargoes in both the 2023/24 and 24/25 campaigns. Wednesday ended the 2024/25 Championship season in 12th place.