
T. C. Khor
The prime minister's special officer Shanmugam Mookan said this is due to Nurul Izzah's sincerity, conviction and deep understanding of the community's needs.
'Let's be honest, who could be more in tune with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's vision than his own daughter? She doesn't just carry the legacy, she also carries the fire that keeps it alive,' he told theSun.
Shanmugam said her approach goes beyond surface-level concern and is rooted in a refusal to divide people by race, religion or class.
As an example, a two-phase initiative for the community was launched with the involvement of Indian MPs, senators and state assemblymen.
The first phase is to study and review the Malaysian Indian Blueprint (MIB) and the Indian Community Action Plan, targeting key pressure points, including education gaps, stalled opportunities and unheard voices.
Shanmugam said MIB, developed by MIC during Datuk Seri Najib Abdul Razak's administration, is currently being refined by him and Nurul Izzah, and is slated to be proposed for incorporation into the 13th Malaysia Plan.
'We are currently reviewing the document to update it with data to suit current needs and expectations. Phase 1 engagements related to socio-economy, education and welfare are being conducted now.'
Shanmugam said the initiative's Phase 2 revolves around creating achievable action plans and putting them into motion, once Phase 1 is completed.
He also highlighted Nurul Izzah's strong support for reviving five Tamil schools previously listed as problematic projects.
The schools involved are SJKT Seafield and SJKT Braunston in Selangor, SJKT Ladang Pertang and SJKT Ladang Sagga in Negeri Sembilan and SJKT Heawood in Perak.
Shanmugam said Anwar has approved an allocation of RM30 million to improve six Tamil schools.
'The funds will be released soon through proper channels, marking a significant milestone in advancing Tamil education.
'There were no empty promises and no grand gestures. Only real, strategic planning with the sincere intention to serve all Malaysians.
'Nurul Izzah's role has been pivotal. Now is the time to bring it to life.
'So, with no doubt, if not her, then who else can truly understand and carry forward this shared vision of PKR for all communities?'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


New Straits Times
2 hours ago
- New Straits Times
Calls to boycott American goods grow in India
FROM McDonald's and Coca-Cola to Amazon and Apple, United States-based multinationals are facing calls for a boycott in India as business executives and Prime Minister Narendra Modi's supporters stoke anti-American sentiment to protest against US tariff. India, the world's most populous nation, is a key market for American brands that have rapidly expanded to target a growing base of affluent consumers, many of whom remain infatuated with international labels seen as symbols of moving up in life. India, for example, is the biggest market by users for Meta's WhatsApp and Domino's has more restaurants than any other brand in the country. Beverages like Pepsi and Coca-Cola often dominate store shelves, and people still queue up when a new Apple store opens or a Starbucks cafe doles out discounts. Although there was no immediate indication of sales being hit, there's a growing chorus both on social media and offline to buy local and ditch American products after President Donald Trump imposed a 50 per cent tariff on goods from India, rattling exporters and damaging ties between New Delhi and Washington. McDonald's, Coca-Cola, Amazon and Apple did not immediately respond to Reuters queries. Manish Chowdhary, cofounder of India's Wow Skin Science, took to LinkedIn with a video message urging support for farmers and startups to make "Made in India" a "global obsession", and to learn from South Korea whose food and beauty products are famous worldwide. "We have lined up for products from thousands of miles away. We have proudly spent on brands that we don't own, while our own makers fight for attention in their own country," he said. Rahm Shastry, chief executive officer of India's DriveU, which provides a car driver on call service, wrote on LinkedIn: "India should have its own home-grown Twitter/Google/YouTube/WhatsApp/FB — like China has." To be fair, Indian retail companies give foreign brands like Starbucks stiff competition in the domestic market, but going global has been a challenge. Indian IT services firms, however, have become deeply entrenched in the global economy, with the likes of TCS and Infosys providing software solutions to clients world over. On Sunday, Modi made a "special appeal" for becoming self-reliant, telling a gathering in Bengaluru that Indian technology companies made products for the world but "now is the time for us to give more priority to India's needs". He did not name any company. Even as anti-American protests simmer, Tesla launched its second showroom in India, with Monday's opening attended by Indian commerce ministry officials and US embassy officials. The Swadeshi Jagran Manch group, which is linked to Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party, took out small public rallies across India on Sunday, urging people to boycott American brands. "People are now looking at Indian products. It will take some time to fructify," said Ashwani Mahajan, the group's co-convenor. "This is a call for nationalism, patriotism." He also shared with Reuters a table his group is circulating on WhatsApp, listing Indian brands of bath soaps, toothpaste and cold drinks that people could choose over foreign ones. On social media, one of the group's campaigns is a graphic titled "Boycott foreign food chains", with logos of McDonald's and many other restaurant brands. In Uttar Pradesh, Rajat Gupta, 37, who was dining at a McDonald's in Lucknow on Monday, said he wasn't concerned about the tariff protests and simply enjoyed the 49-rupee coffee he considered good value for money.


Focus Malaysia
5 hours ago
- Focus Malaysia
MIC at a crossroads: Time to reclaim relevance
AS MALAYSIA edges closer to its 16th General Election (GE16), the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) finds itself at a critical political juncture. Once a dominant voice for the Indian community within Barisan Nasional (BN), MIC now appears increasingly adrift by lacking clear messaging, decisive leadership, and the strategic agility necessary for survival in a rapidly shifting political landscape. Recent developments in Kedah have raised eyebrows. MIC's local leaders have been signalling support for Perikatan Nasional (PN) through indirect channels, relying on non-Muslim wings and secondary-tier representatives to express political positions. While such moves may be attempts to test the waters, they also reveal a worrying absence of national-level coherence. This low-profile political posturing suggests a party unsure of its direction, grappling with identity, and failing to recognise the urgency of its situation. The contrast with the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) is striking. Like MIC, MCA has suffered heavy electoral losses and faces significant questions about its relevance. Yet, unlike MIC, MCA has maintained an active, visible presence in public discourse. Its leadership continues to issue timely statements, engage with community concerns, and assert the party's stance on national issues. While results have been mixed, this strategy has preserved MCA's leverage within BN and positioned it more favourably in ongoing seat negotiations. Visibility matters, especially as coalitions prepare for GE16. Seat allocations are expected to be based on incumbency, perceived electability, and party relevance. MCA's willingness to speak up, even symbolically, grants it political currency. MIC, by contrast, seems content with silence or ambiguous positioning, a dangerous miscalculation at a time when political capital is earned through engagement, not deference. The problem goes deeper than just poor communication. MIC's reliance on indirect proxies to signal political intent shows an organisation out of touch with modern political dynamics. At a time when issues such as education, employment, minority rights, and equality before the law dominate the discourse among Indian Malaysians, MIC has failed to place itself at the forefront of these conversations. Meanwhile, major parties like UMNO, PKR, and DAP have consolidated their narratives around national unity, multiracial platforms, and economic reform. They shape the broader political terrain and influence coalition direction. MIC, with its narrowly ethnic appeal and outdated approach, risks becoming politically irrelevant if it continues to misread the moment. Crucially, MIC lacks a visible strategic brain trust. Rather than positioning itself as a robust voice for Indian Malaysians or a necessary coalition partner, it appears to be hedging its bets by quietly leaning toward PN in hopes of future favour or fallback relevance. This is not strategy; it's drift. Coalitions reward utility, not nostalgia or quiet loyalty. Without a strong electoral base or meaningful public engagement, MIC offers little to entice either its traditional partners or potential new allies. The allure of aligning with PN may seem tactically viable to some within MIC's ranks, especially in states where PN appears to have momentum. However, such a move is fundamentally flawed. The coalition's track record shows limited commitment to minority rights beyond symbolic gestures. Non-Malay support for PN remains low, and MIC's credibility could be seriously damaged if it is seen as abandoning its community's interests for uncertain political gain. Additionally, MIC risks alienating its current coalition allies. Public flirtation with PN, even if unofficial or regionally confined, sends mixed signals and projects weakness, not confidence. It suggests desperation rather than strategic foresight that a damaging perception ahead of high-stakes seat negotiations. GE16 presents a make-or-break moment. MIC cannot afford to continue operating as it has. It must reclaim its space through bold, coherent, and consistent public engagement. National leaders must speak directly to the electorate, articulate a vision for the Indian community, and engage in coalition politics from a position of strength, not subservience. The blueprint is clear. MIC should take a cue from MCA's approach through assertiveness, relevance, and public messaging. Even when symbolic, these efforts help a party remain visible and necessary. MIC must stop issuing endorsements through obscure platforms or relying on backchannels. Instead, it needs a reinvigorated public presence and a strategy that reflects the real concerns of Indian Malaysians. Education, economic empowerment, social justice, and equitable development are key areas where MIC can still make a difference. But this requires more than policy papers and closed-door meetings. It demands direct engagement with communities, strategic alliances, and clear communication from top-tier leadership. The party's historic legacy does not guarantee a future. Relevance must be earned, and time is running out. If MIC fails to recalibrate and if it continues to wait for recognition rather than claim its place, it risks being reduced to a political footnote. GE16 is not just another election cycle for MIC. It is, quite possibly, the final opportunity to prove that it still matters. Politics rewards those who adapt, communicate, and negotiate. For MIC, the silence and ambiguity of the present are not signs of strategy but they are symptoms of decline. It's time to reshape the narrative decisively and take swift, purposeful action. ‒ Aug 12, 2025 R Paneir Selvam is the principal consultant of Arunachala Research & Consultancy Sdn Bhd, a think tank specialising in strategic national and geopolitical matters. The views expressed are solely of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Focus Malaysia. Main image: Bernama


The Star
9 hours ago
- The Star
Takiyuddin, Rayer clash in Parliament over Indian community housing budget
KUALA LUMPUR: A war of words broke out in the Dewan Rakyat between Datuk Seri Takiyuddin Hassan and RSN Rayer regarding the housing budget for the Indian community under the 13th Malaysia Plan (13MP). Takiyuddin (PN-Kota Baru) questioned why there was none for the Indian community, particularly estate workers without homes under the 13MP. "And since there is a master plan for Chinese New Villages, I also want to ask why there is no master plan for the development of the Indian community, especially for the plantation workers, who we know do not have their own houses," he said while debating the 13MP, in parliament Tuesday (Aug 12). This irked Rayer (PH-Jelutong), who then stood up to interject, saying that he was factually wrong about the allocations for the Indian community. Rayer then cited Standing Orders against Takiyuddin for allegedly trying to mislead the Parliament. Datuk Mohd Shahar Abdullah, who was standing in to chair the proceedings, reminded Rayer to respect the standing orders and to allow Takiyuddin to explain his remarks. Rayer then accused Takiyuddin of ignoring allocations in the 13MP after the Chinese New Village provision, stating that funds would be provided to repair dilapidated homes for the Indian community. Takiyuddin denied such accusation, repeatedly saying: "I never said that… listen properly." Takiyuddin clarified that he had inquired about a development plan for the Indian community, particularly for estate workers without homes. Earlier, another commotion broke out when Rayer expressed dissatisfaction over the lack of action taken against Datuk Awang Hashim (PN-Pendang), who raised racial issues while linking them to the May 13, 1969 racial riots during the RMK13 debate session last week. The situation became more chaotic when Awang also stood up to inform that he had not yet received the letter submitted by the Speaker, Tan Sri Johari Abdul, regarding the matter. However, Johari said that he would make a ruling after receiving a written explanation from Awang over the matter.