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Nvidia CEO Says This Is the Decade of Autonomous Vehicles

Nvidia CEO Says This Is the Decade of Autonomous Vehicles

Entrepreneur12-06-2025
At the VivaTech conference in Paris this week, Nvidia revealed its autonomous vehicle development platform for automakers to build self-driving cars.
Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang predicts the global autonomous vehicle and robotics industries are set to see significant growth in the next few years.
"This is going to be the decade of AV [autonomous vehicles], robotics, autonomous machines," Huang told CNBC in an interview at the VivaTech conference in Paris on Thursday.
At VivaTech, Nvidia debuted Nvidia Drive, an autonomous vehicle development platform allowing automakers to build self-driving cars. The company also released Cosmos Predict-2, a new AI model trained on 20,000 hours of real-world driving data, which allows self-driving cars to perform well in challenging weather conditions like fog and rain.
Related: Nvidia's CEO Says It No Longer Matters If You Never Learned to Code: 'There's a New Programming Language'
Nvidia sells both hardware and software products for autonomous vehicles, including the Nvidia DGX software platform, which trains self-driving cars on different driving scenarios.
Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang at the VivaTech trade show. PhotoHuang has predicted growth in the autonomous vehicle market for some time. In January, he said in a keynote at the consumer tech conference CES that "the autonomous vehicle revolution is here."
"You're going to see the pace of AV development increasing tremendously over the next several years," he said at the event.
Last month, Huang told Yahoo Finance that one day "every single car" will have an autonomous component.
Related: Uber CEO Wants to Partner With Tesla on Robotaxis Because 'No One Wants to Compete Against Tesla or Elon'
Self-driving cars are becoming more common in the U.S., with Google-owned Waymo providing 250,000 paid robotaxi trips per week in cities like Los Angeles, Phoenix, and Austin.
Customers are willing to pay more for the robotaxi experience. According to a report shared with TechCrunch on Thursday, Waymo rides are more expensive than Lyft and Uber rides, but riders pay more anyway. The average price of a Waymo is about $11 more per trip than a Lyft and $9.50 more than an Uber.
Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi said in January that autonomous vehicles would take over the jobs of human Uber drivers within the next 10 to 20 years. Uber drivers made three billion trips in the first quarter of 2025, a 14% year-over-year growth in monthly active customers.
Related: Uber's CEO Says Drivers Have About 10 Years Left Before They Will Be Replaced
Nvidia mentioned in its latest financial results last month that revenue from its automotive division was $329 million, up 11% year-over-year due to its self-driving technology. Nvidia's Chief Financial Officer, Colette Kress, said in a conference call with analysts that Chinese EV maker Xiaomi built its SU7 sedan on Nvidia's self-driving platform.
Nvidia is one of the most valuable companies in the world at the time of writing, second only to Microsoft, with a market cap of over $3.5 trillion.
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3 AI chip stocks that are best positioned right now
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Examples of this include the seizure of coal mines (1946) and steel mills (1952) during labor strikes, as well as the 2008 financial crisis bailouts, where the government took equity stakes in large corporations including two of Detroit's Big three and most of Wall Street's key banks. During World War I, the War Industries Board regulated prices, production, and business conduct for the war effort. Congress has previously created export incentives and tax-deferral strategies (such as the Domestic International Sales Corporation and Foreign Sales Corporation Acts), but these measures incentivized sales rather than directly diverting a fixed share of export revenue to the government. Legal scholars stress that such arrangements were subjected to global trade rules and later modified after international complaints. Global lack of precedent The U.S. prohibition on export taxes dates back to the birth of the nation. Case Western's Jensen has written that some delegates of the Constitutional Convention of 1787, such as New York's Alexander Hamilton, were in favor of the government being able to tax revenue sources such as imports and exports, but the 'staple states' in the southern U.S. were fiercely opposed, given their agricultural bent, especially the importance of cotton at that point. Still, many other countries currently have export taxes on the books, though they are generally imposed across all exporters, rather than as one-off arrangements that remove barriers to a specific market. And many of the nations with export taxes are developing countries who tax agricultural or resource commodities. In several cases (Uganda, Malaya, Sudan, Nigeria, Haiti, Thailand), export taxes made up 10% to 40% of total government tax revenue in the 1960s and 1970s, according to an IMF staff paper. Globally, most countries tax profits generated within their borders ('source-based corporate taxes'), but rarely as a direct percentage of export sales as a market access precondition. The standard model is taxation of locally earned profits, regardless of export destination; licensing fees and tariffs may be applied, but not usually as a fixed percent of export revenue as a pre-negotiated entry fee. Although the Nvidia/AMD deal doesn't take the usual form of a tax, Case Western's Jensen added. 'I don't see what else it could be characterized as.' It's clearly not a 'user fee,' which he said is the usual triable issue of law in export clause cases. For instance, if goods or services are being provided by the government in exchange for the charge, such as docking fees at a governmentally operated port, then that charge isn't a tax or duty and the Export Clause is irrelevant. 'I just don't see how the charges that will be levied in the chip cases could possibly be characterized in that way.' Players have been known to 'game' the different legal treatments of subsidies and taxes, Columbia's Talley added. He cited the example of a government imposing a uniform, across-the-board tax on all producers, but then providing a subsidy to sellers who sell to domestic markets. 'The net effect would be the same as a tax on exports, but indirectly.' He was unaware of this happening in the U.S. but cited several international examples including Argentina, India, and even the EU. One famous example of a canny international tax strategy was Apple's domicile in Ireland, along with so many other multinationals keeping their international profits offshore in affiliates in order to avoid paying U.S. tax, which at the time applied to all worldwide income upon repatriation. Talley said much of this went away after the 2018 tax reforms, which moved the U.S. away from a worldwide corporate tax, with some exceptions. The protection racket comparison If Trump's chip export tax is an anomaly in the annals of U.S. international trade, the deal structure has some parallels in another corner of the business world: organized crime, where 'protection rackets' have a long history. Businesses bound by such deals must pay a cut of their revenues to a criminal organization (or parallel government), effectively as the cost for being allowed to operate or to avoid harm. The China chip export tax and the protection rackets extract revenue as a condition for market access, use the threat of exclusion or punishment for non-payment, and both may be justified as 'protection' or 'guaranteed access,' but are not freely negotiated by the business. 'It certainly has the smell of a governmental shakedown in certain respects,' Columbia's Talley told Fortune, considering that the 'underlying threat was an outright export ban, which makes a 15% surcharge seem palatable by comparison.' Talley noted some nuances, such as the generally established broad statutory and constitutional support for national-security-based export bans on various goods and services sold to enumerated countries, which have been imposed with legal authority on China, North Korea, Iraq, Russia, Cuba, and others. 'From an economic perspective, a ban on an exported good is tantamount to a tax of 'infinity percent' on the good,' Talley said, meaning it effectively shuts down the export market for that good. 'Viewed in that light, a 15% levy is less (and not more) extreme than a ban.' Still, there's the matter, similar to Trump's tariff regime, of making a legal challenge to an ostensibly blatantly illegal policy actually hold up in court. 'A serious question with the chips tax,' Case Western's Jensen told Fortune, 'is who, if anyone, would have standing to challenge the tax?' In other words, it may be unconstitutional, but who's actually going to compel the federal government to obey the constitution? This story was originally featured on Sign in to access your portfolio

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