&w=3840&q=100)
H-1B visa must end? Even US' AI needs 'brown hands', says tech entrepreneur
The Republican firebrand took to X, writing, 'End Indian H1-B visas replacing American jobs instead and stop funding and sending weapons to the Obama/Biden/Neocon Ukraine Russia war.'
The post triggered swift backlash, particularly from the tech community. 'Even your blonde AI agents will need brown hands to make sense of the world!' said Rajat Sethi, a tech entrepreneur and policy expert, in a pointed reply.
What is the H-1B visa and who uses it?
The H-1B visa allows US companies to hire foreign workers in specialised fields like IT, engineering, finance and healthcare. Over the years, Indian nationals have consistently made up the largest group of H-1B recipients—accounting for 72 per cent of all approvals, followed by Chinese nationals at 12 per cent.
In 2023, 65 per cent of all H-1B holders were employed in computer-related occupations. According to a BBC report, their median annual salary stood at $118,000—roughly double the US average.
Greene's comments struck a nerve in the tech sector, where immigrant workers play a central role in fuelling innovation. The Indian diaspora and global tech professionals viewed her remarks as detached from the real-world composition of the US tech industry.
'Have you or anyone in your extended family written a single line of code?' Sethi asked, questioning Greene's understanding of the very workforce that powers Silicon Valley.
Just last month, Meta's new artificial intelligence research arm—Superintelligence Lab—was revealed to be led entirely by immigrant researchers. The team of 11, recruited from elite firms like OpenAI, DeepMind and Google, includes experts from India, China, South Africa, the UK and Australia. Each has advanced degrees from US institutions and experience building high-level AI systems.
'Meta's Superintelligence Lab, led entirely by immigrant researchers, is the practical reality we needed to see. AI innovation is truly going borderless and India continues to serve as a strong hub of ready talent,' Praneet Singh, AVP – University Partnership at upGrad's study abroad division told Business Standard.
Singh added, 'It's quite paradoxical, though — while our talent is ready, mobility remains constrained. Despite policy shifts like STEM OPT extensions and improved green card processing, visa constraints and bureaucratic uncertainties continue to slow down global movement.'
Where do Trump and his allies stand on H-1B?
Within Trump's orbit, there's no clear consensus. Elon Musk, once close to Trump but now distanced, supports H-1B but wants reforms. Steve Bannon, former White House adviser, has called for eliminating the visa entirely, along with student visas.
In contrast, the Trump administration in its first term floated proposals to scrap the H-1B lottery and replace it with a salary-based selection system. Supporters say this would ensure only highly paid roles go to foreign workers. Critics warn it could sideline fresh graduates and early-career professionals, many of whom are already educated in the US.
What happens next?
There's no immediate policy change stemming from Greene's remarks. But they echo broader Republican efforts to curb immigration—especially work-related routes.
According to US Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) data, nearly 70 per cent of all H-1B approvals in fiscal year 2024 were granted to Indian nationals. Any policy shift could reshape the pipeline of talent feeding into America's tech and research sectors, many of which still rely heavily on H-1B workers.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Time of India
23 minutes ago
- Time of India
Decoding US moves: Tariffs on India aren't about India
Until early August, the tariff sparring between Washington and New Delhi looked like another familiar round over soybeans. With China halting purchases and harvests approaching, it seemed like the US was looking for a buyer in India, as soybean farmers are a key MAGA base for Trump. Then, over just three days, the story shifted — from agriculture to a high-stakes game of geopolitics. On Aug 6, President Trump's negotiator, Steve Witkoff, met Russian president Vladimir Putin in St Petersburg for over three hours. Though billed as 'constructive', the talks yielded no major breakthrough. That same day, the White House announced an extra 25% tariff on Indian goods — lifting effective duties toward 50% — and framed the decision partly around New Delhi's continued intake of discounted Russian crude. In India, this was perceived as arm-twisting of its sovereignty, but a larger strategy was at play. The urgency in Washington comes from geopolitics as much as economics. The Ukraine war remains a key focus. In recent months, Russia has made incremental gains in Ukraine, giving it little reason to compromise. Official data showed a year-on-year rise in oil and gas revenues earlier this year, giving the Kremlin fiscal space to sustain the war. On another front, BRICS members are pushing for local-currency energy trade pilots. July's Rio summit saw Brazil and others call for 'economic sovereignty' from the dollar. If those systems take root, US sanctions will have less bite. It appears the White House wants to hit Russian revenues while the leverage window remains open. The domestic political calendar makes this even trickier. The midterms are barely a year away and while inflation has eased, it remains sensitive to fuel prices. Even a small Brent crude spike can quickly translate into higher gasoline costs, eroding consumer sentiment and complicating the Federal Reserve's path to cutting interest rates — a move the administration sees as vital to sustaining growth into 2025. A direct embargo on Russian oil would risk that spike, so Washington needs other channels. Since 2022, India has vaulted from a marginal buyer to Russia's largest swing customer, taking roughly 1-1.8m barrels of crude a day. Unlike private refiners tied to long-term contracts, India's state-owned refiners can quickly adjust their spot purchases when prices or risks change. If India reduces its spot purchases by 200,000 to 300,000 barrels a day, Russia may have to offer bigger discounts to other buyers, cutting its revenue by billions over a year. This would pinch Moscow's earnings and avoid a price surge that hurts American consumers. China, a larger buyer of Russian oil, has so far been spared to avoid disrupting US supply chains and ongoing tariff talks. Early signs suggest the tactic is having a marginal effect in India. One major state refiner recently reported a lower share of Russian crude as discounts narrowed. This is the kind of fine-tuning Washington is aiming for. For New Delhi, the irritation is real. It has watched Washington oscillate between warm words and hard edges — like this tariff move that risks raising Indian fuel costs while shielding US consumers. Yet this is also a moment to read beyond the headlines. Pakistan, despite entering this cycle with less leverage, has found its way into Trump's good books by using a cryptocurrency gambit and backing his bid for a Nobel Peace Prize. This has helped it carve out a tariff deal. India's own leverage is far greater: market size, strategic geography, technology and defence partnerships, and a pivotal role in energy flows. The smart play is to deploy that leverage to meet Trump's immediate need in exchange for wins of India's choosing. When both sides know they hold valuable cards, the game would be to trade them well, rather than escalate. This standoff is about much more than tariffs or a few oil shipments. For Washington, it is a test of whether it can squeeze Russia's war chest without spiking global fuel prices, hold China in check, and prevent the BRICS bloc from hardening into a true economic counterweight — all while keeping US inflation low enough for interest rates to fall. For New Delhi, it is about using its position as the swing buyer in the world's most strategic commodity to protect its autonomy, avoid an unnecessary rupture with America, and still extract tangible gains. The outcome will influence far more than trade flows. It will help decide who has the upper hand in setting oil prices, which currencies dominate energy trade, and whether the next global economic order tilts toward US-led systems or a more multipolar, BRICS-shaped architecture. How India and the US play this hand could echo for years in energy markets, currency systems, and the balance of global power. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.


Time of India
37 minutes ago
- Time of India
Trump's ‘gorilla' approach has actually made it harder for India to do a deal
When Dmitry Grozoubinski started writing 'Why Politicians Lie About Trade', Joe Biden was in the White House. 'I did not see the present developments coming,' he laughs. 'It's been great for my book sales, but not so great for the world.' The former Australian trade negotiator and diplomat who has trained officials from several countries, including India, speaks to Shruti Sonal about how trade policy became a frontline political weapon Trump has doubled tariffs on India to 50% and even halted trade negotiations. Did you think that it would play out this way? I have been following this negotiation and right from the start, one of the consistent things has been the lack of consistency. In a traditional negotiation — for example, between India and the UK — you had an Indian team who knew roughly what its govt wanted and would accept, and you had a UK team that knew what London would accept. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now They would negotiate and then bring the final big questions to the leaders. In this case, the US negotiating teams do not know for a fact what Donald Trump will accept. At the end of a phone call, there is a 50% chance of an announcement where everyone's happy, and a 50% chance of a tariff escalation. When all of this kicked off, I had some optimism that India could do a reasonably good deal, or at least one that sort of turns the Trumpian 'Eye of Sauron' away from India and onto other targets because of the close personal relationship between Modi and Trump, and also because the Indian system itself is quite protectionist. I also naively thought that the US had a real strategic interest in making sure that they have a close working relationship with India. From the US perspective, India would be a natural ally in China's neighbourhood that should be courted and should certainly not be pushed into deepening its engagement with the BRICS. What we saw this week is that none of that was enough. In a recent podcast, you described Trump as the world's 'apex predator' when it came to deals. What did you mean by that? I think that Trump fundamentally believes that any negotiation is effectively kind of a power dynamic, where one side maximises the concessions it can extract and the weaker side gives up what it has to in the face of that power. To butcher a nature metaphor, it's sort of him saying, 'I am going to use US power to go and get things from others because we are the gorilla and they're the monkeys'. The problem with that approach is that it puts other leaders in a position where they have to politically justify any concession they make because it is a national humiliation. Some countries will understand a degree of national humiliation. But when you come to someone like Modi, whose personal image is that of someone who is tough and who fights for India, you actually make it hard for him to do a particularly one-sided deal. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now It would be much, much easier for him to sell a deal with Trump if the latter did not have a tendency to then go on TV and be like 'we own them'. That makes it harder for other countries to give up too much. And if you look at what Trump has actually managed to gain from most countries, it's either fairly made-up stuff or not that much. Given your Ukrainian roots, how do you see Trump's criticism of India buying Russian oil? I was born in Kharkiv, and was there just three months ago, sitting as drones crashed down around me in Kyiv. I don't love the fact that India is buying Russian oil, but I have so much sympathy for the Indian govt because three months ago, I don't think anyone knew what side of that war the US was even on. So, to turn around today and say, 'As we've said all along, India's purchases of Russian oil are unconscionable' feels like a U-turn. Europe was able to wean itself off a lot of Russian oil and gas by throwing an insane amount of money at the problem, and even then, they've still got a huge amount of import. The idea that India can suddenly just flip a switch now that the Trump administration has decided that Russia's not a friend is an insane prospect. Even if my politics are fairly loudly anti-Russian, it feels like Russia's just an excuse. Long before Trump, populist leaders have used tariffs and sanctions. How are his tactics different? The scale is just nowhere close. It is a little bit like comparing nuclear war to a fistfight. The Trump administration finds tariffs appealing for a couple of reasons. First, they are one of the few levers of power that it can wield unilaterally due to a series of weird quirks of past legislation. If they wanted to raise taxes on anything in America, they would have to pass an Act of Congress and get it through the Senate. It would take months and be messy. On the other hand, he is able to wield tariff announcements like a scalpel or a flame-thrower to punish his enemies and reward his friends. Second, he believes he has a story that the American people have bought — that tariffs are paid by foreigners. And the reason tariffs and protectionism will always be rhetorically attractive is that politicians can pretend that the choice that's being made is between locals and foreigners. You've negotiated complex agreements at the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Is this the end of the rules-based order in world trade? The WTO, if you strip away all the pageantry, is a series of promises govts made to one another. It has always only been as strong as their commitment to those promises and to the premise those promises are built on. What we saw even before Trump's second term is govts increasingly reassessing some of that calculation. India is among those countries that have said these promises require us to give up too much sovereignty and too much policy space in exchange for the predictability that they give. A legitimate debate that's been raging at the WTO for 25 years. Obviously, it is bad for the system that the US is now just doing whatever it wants. I think the system, however, is holding on to the fact that he probably won't be president forever…but who knows? (laughs) The more important thing to keep in mind here is that other countries haven't started doing the same thing. You don't see India and Sri Lanka start using tariffs as weapons against each other in violation of WTO rules because Trump is doing it. That's giving people confidence that other countries still see value in the rules, especially now that they see what a lawless world might look like. India, for instance, was already making a bit of a trade policy push before Trump came in, but I think there's been a real acceleration in concluding more free-trade agreements than ever. It has also put the spotlight back on BRICS… Regional integration organisation models are really hard to crack, and there's a reason it's only ever really been done in Europe, and even that was considered a minor miracle. The five core BRICS members are not comfortable pooling sovereignty in that way. I keep having to remind people that China and India have literal border skirmishes, while Brazil's on the opposite side of the world. You're never going to get that same level of integration. With that being said, we've just seen the first visit by an Indian leader to China in decades. The US is in real danger of making BRICS work —despite itself.


The Print
38 minutes ago
- The Print
India welcomes upcoming Trump-Putin meeting in Alaska, says ‘this is not an era for war'
'India, therefore, endorses the upcoming summit meeting and stands ready to support these efforts,' he added. 'This meeting holds the promise of bringing to an end the ongoing conflict in Ukraine and opening up the prospects for peace. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi has said on several occasions, 'This is not an era of war,'' Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said in a statement Saturday. New Delhi: India has welcomed the agreement between US President Donald Trump and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin to hold a meeting in Alaska on 15 August, at a time when New Delhi is pushing back at Washington over the additional tariffs imposed on it for continued purchase of Russian oil. This also comes a day after Putin had a telephone conversation with PM Modi, who reiterated New Delhi's 'consistent' position for a 'peaceful resolution of the conflict'. Earlier in the day, Trump announced the meeting with Putin in Alaska, while speaking to the press. The American President was hosting the leaders of Azerbaijan and Armenia at a peace summit that saw the two nations announce a joint declaration 'initialing' an agreed text for peace. Yerevan and Baku have been locked in conflict since gaining independence from the USSR in 1991. Trump also suggested that he may be open to pushing Ukraine to cede territories to Russia to ensure peace returns in the almost four-year long war between the two countries. The meeting between Trump and Putin would be the first between American and Russian leaders since 2021. Western leaders have largely refused to communicate directly with Putin since Moscow started the current phase of open warfare with Kyiv in February 2022. A summit between Trump and Putin is likely seen as a victory within the Kremlin. However, Kyiv rejected ceding any territory to Russia in a strong statement by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy Saturday. 'Ukraine is ready for real decisions that can bring peace. Any decisions that are against us, any decisions that are without Ukraine, are at the same time decisions against peace. They will not achieve anything. These are stillborn decisions. They are unworkable decisions. And we all need real and genuine peace. Peace that people will respect,' Zelenskyy said in a statement on X. The American President has in recent weeks been frustrated with the inability to persuade Moscow and Kyiv to agree to a ceasefire. Trump promised to end the war within 24 hours of assuming the presidency, while on the campaign trail last year. However, all efforts including a partial ceasefire, Trump had negotiated with Putin and Zelenskyy have so far failed. The American President, in the early months of the year attempted to compel Ukraine to come to the peace table. In February, Trump and Zelenskyy held a contentious bilateral meeting at the White House, which led to a shouting match between the Ukrainian President and American Vice President J.D. Vance. In recent weeks, Trump has shown his ire with Russia by looking to impose penalties on countries continuing to trade with Moscow, including India. On 6 August, Trump imposed 25 percent tariffs on India over purchase of Russian oil. These penalties were imposed above an already existing 25 percent tariff, raising the total levies imposed on India to 50 per cent. Vinay Kwatra, the Indian ambassador to the US Saturday spoke to Senator Lindsey Graham on India's energy security priorities as well as its interest in purchasing more energy from America, in an attempt to defuse tensions between New Delhi and Washington DC. Graham has been one of the most outspoken politicians in the US against India's continued purchase of Russian oil. Zelenskyy received support from a number of European leaders Saturday, holding conversations with British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez and Estonian Prime Minister Kristen Michal. French President Emmanuel Macron spoke with the Ukrainian President as well as German Chancellor Friedrich Merz Saturday. The French President declared that Kyiv's future 'cannot be decided without the Ukrainians.' (Edited by Gitanjali Das) Also Read: 'Old' India-Russia ties crucial now, says NSA Ajit Doval in Moscow amid Trump tariffs & India pushback