logo
Victory Day and foreign hosts: Putin deepens African ties

Victory Day and foreign hosts: Putin deepens African ties

Russia Today12-05-2025

Russian President Vladimir Putin hosted a series of high-level meetings with African leaders from May 7 to 10, reaffirming Moscow's commitment to deepening political, economic, and military ties with the continent. The talks were held alongside commemorations of the 80th anniversary of the Soviet Union's victory over Nazi Germany in World War II.
Here are the key takeaways from Putin's bilateral engagements and the participation of African states in the Victory Day events, including the May 9 military parade in Red Square and defense talks between Russian officials and African military delegations.
On Friday, Russian President Vladimir Putin presided over a grand military parade on Red Square that featured thousands of troops and a display of military hardware, including tanks and missile systems. The May 9 Victory Day celebrations were attended by more than two dozen world leaders, among them the heads of state of Burkina Faso, the Republic of the Congo, Zimbabwe, and Egypt.
Egypt's military police took part in the parade, marching alongside cadets from the other allied nations.
On May 7, Putin met with President Denis Sassou Nguesso of the Republic of the Congo, who said he had traveled to Moscow despite external attempts to dissuade him from honoring the Kremlin's invitation. The leaders discussed enhancing cooperation in areas such as energy, trade, and infrastructure and reaffirmed the strong historical ties between their countries. Putin noted that around 250 scholarships are allocated annually for Congolese students to study at Russian universities and pledged to expand the quota.
Putin highlighted the wartime ties and record trade with Egypt during a meeting with President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi at the Kremlin on Friday. He described Cairo as one of Moscow's key partners in Africa, noting that bilateral trade grew by over 30% last year to reach a record $9 billion, and surged by more than 80% in the first two months of 2025.
At a meeting held on May 10 with Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa, the Russian leader pledged to expand cooperation with the southern African nation in key sectors such as geological exploration, energy, and agriculture, noting the significant potential for trade growth. Putin also announced that 125 government scholarships had been allocated for Zimbabwean students for the 2025–2026 academic year, adding to the 460 Zimbabwean students currently studying in Russia.
Later the same day, Burkina Faso's interim president, Ibrahim Traore, was received by Putin for talks focused on security and counter-terrorism in the Sahel region. Putin pledged continued support in restoring constitutional order and combating armed insurgents in Burkina Faso. He also announced ongoing humanitarian assistance, including last year's delivery of 25,000 tons of wheat and a new shipment of food that will arrive in Ouagadougou this month. Traore also expressed a desire to deepen defense and technological cooperation with Russia, describing the growing partnership as a response to shared challenges and shifting global dynamics.
The Kremlin also announced a meeting between Putin and Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, the supreme commander of the Libyan National Army, but no additional information was provided.
Russian Defense Minister Andrei Belousov held bilateral talks with African defense delegations on the sidelines of the parade. The discussions with Congolese, Nigerien, Malian, Burkinabe, Nigerian, and Libyan officials focused on strengthening military-technical cooperation, conducting joint training exercises, and increasing arms and logistics support. All sides expressed interest in long-term cooperation in the security and defense sectors.
In parallel, Deputy Defense Minister Yunus-Bek Yevkurov met with representatives from South Africa, Algeria, and Equatorial Guinea to discuss current military and military-technical cooperation issues.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Spies and ties: The quiet war for Russia's business elite
Spies and ties: The quiet war for Russia's business elite

Russia Today

time41 minutes ago

  • Russia Today

Spies and ties: The quiet war for Russia's business elite

Behind velvet ropes and closed doors, Russia's elite business clubs promise more than just high-level networking. They're where deals are made, partnerships are forged, and – sometimes – secrets are traded. With rigid membership rules, costly entry fees, and an atmosphere of confidentiality, these exclusive circles attract ambitious entrepreneurs, government insiders, and, increasingly, foreign intelligence operatives. What draws so many to these hidden spaces of influence? And why have they become fertile ground not only for commerce – but for covert surveillance? RT investigates the inner workings of Russia's most prestigious business communities, who gets in, what it costs, and why the stakes have never been higher. The concept of private business clubs isn't new. The earliest iterations appeared in England in the late 17th and early 18th centuries and soon made their way across Europe. By 1770, Russia had founded its own version – the English Assembly in St. Petersburg – modeled after its British predecessors. Fast forward to today, and Russia is home to hundreds of business clubs. While some operate with rigid rules and clearly defined missions, others function more like loose communities with minimal obligations. Their formats vary, but exclusivity remains a common thread. There are women-only clubs, industry-specific alliances, networks for resellers, and even spaces tailored to small business owners. Each has its own identity, philosophy, and code of conduct – but all are built on one defining principle: not just anyone can get in. Membership isn't just about rubbing shoulders with fellow entrepreneurs. It's about security – both literal and reputational. 'Almost all modern business clubs are closed to the public. That's primarily for the safety of our members. We conduct stringent security checks,' said Daria Titkova, marketing director at Club 500, in an interview with RT. Club 500 markets itself as a safe, scam-free zone where trust is paramount. 'There's a strong sense of trust here – no one's trying to cheat anyone. That's what sets us apart'Daria Titkova But the price of entry is steep. Joining an elite club isn't as simple as signing up. Candidates face rigorous vetting, including background checks and financial reviews. Typically, a company's annual revenue is the key metric. At Club 500, for example, prospective members must show yearly revenues of at least 100 million rubles (roughly $1.1 million). The entry fee alone starts at 1 million rubles. And even that doesn't guarantee you're in for good – members can be expelled if they're labeled 'toxic' by the community, sometimes after just a handful of complaints. Membership size varies widely. Some clubs are intimate, capped at 50 hand-picked members. Others, like the Russian Directors' Club, boast sprawling rosters – in this case, over 310,000 members nationwide. Access to these networks often comes with invitations to curated social events, but the mingling doesn't stop at cocktails and dinners. Even in relaxed settings, business is always on the table – whether it's hammering out deals, solving problems, or launching new ventures. One of the most popular formats for member interaction is the 'forum group' or 'mastermind' session. These gatherings give members the chance to workshop their business problems with a panel of peers from various industries – a kind of crowdsourced consultancy powered by experience. 'Entrepreneurs feel most comfortable around others who share their mindset. That's how social capital is formed. In times of sanctions, collaboration is key to survival and growth' Anastasia Ugarova, founder of the Network of Leaders, a high-profile business and government community The Network of Leaders isn't just for CEOs. It brings together entrepreneurs, public officials, academics, and policy thinkers – a cross-section of what Ugarova calls Russia's 'business and intellectual elite.' According to her, these groups often serve as launchpads for policy initiatives aimed at supporting the country's private sector. With Western markets increasingly out of reach due to sanctions, Russian businesspeople are recalibrating. The focus now: Asia and the Global South. 'Russian manufacturers are eager to expand into foreign markets like India and China,' said Yulia Koroleva, CEO of The Institute of Reputation, a communications agency. 'The old model – buy in Europe, sell in Russia – is obsolete. The rules have changed'Yulia Koroleva She noted a growing number of international clubs and women-led networks emerging across BRICS countries. These new alliances are still in early stages, but many entrepreneurs are betting that deeper ties with Asia could be key to long-term success. While these clubs are designed to cultivate entrepreneurship and high-level networking, they've also become increasingly attractive to foreign intelligence agencies. In fact, some of the most exclusive networks have quietly turned into prime environments for surveillance and recruitment. One such group is the Young Presidents Organization (YPO), a prominent international business network that was declared an 'undesirable organization' by Russia's Prosecutor General's Office. The authorities allege the group has engaged in covert efforts to recruit Russian entrepreneurs and gather strategic economic intelligence under the cover of professional exchange. 'Business clubs are ideal hunting grounds for intelligence services,' said Igor Ivanishko, a professor at the Russian State University of Justice. 'They're closed spaces, full of influential people. And conversations there tend to be unusually candid.' He noted that many participants have ties to political or military circles – a fact that only raises their value in the eyes of foreign operatives. 'Sometimes members don't even realize they've become sources of sensitive information,' he explained. 'Other times, the recruitment is deliberate.' Mid-tier clubs are of particular interest, especially those that attract IT specialists, technical experts, and AI developers. Intelligence services – and large multinational corporations – often see these informal communities as fertile ground for economic and technological espionage. Despite official scrutiny, individuals once affiliated with YPO continue to play visible roles in Russia's elite business scene. One notable figure is Yaroslav Glazunov, founder of the private Moscow club 'Jinto,' who was previously a member of the organization. While YPO's formal presence in Russia has been curtailed, its former members – and the ideas and connections cultivated through the group – remain embedded in the country's entrepreneurial ecosystem. For observers and security officials alike, that quiet continuity raises questions about what influence truly lingers behind the scenes.

Ex-Navalny aide gets 18-year prison sentence
Ex-Navalny aide gets 18-year prison sentence

Russia Today

time3 hours ago

  • Russia Today

Ex-Navalny aide gets 18-year prison sentence

A Russian court has sentenced a close associate of the late opposition figure Alexey Navalny to 18 years behind bars in absentia. Leonid Volkov was charged with creating an extremist group, rehabilitating Nazism, and funding extremist activities. Volkov joined Navalny in 2013 and fled to the EU in 2019. Two years later, Russia put him on the international wanted list on charges of illegally enticing minors to participate in unauthorized protests. In a statement announcing the sentence, the court also fined Volkov 2 million rubles ($25,000) and banned him from administering any websites for six years. The list of charges includes two counts of 'politically-motivated vandalism' and spreading disinformation about the Russian Armed Forces. Volkov mocked the court's decision in a post on X. He wrote that although the sentence itself was 'harsh,' the fine was miniscule, adding that he was 'not even barred from using the internet' and vowed to make good use of it. He became the head of Navalny's Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK) in July 2021, a month after it was designated an extremist group in Russia. In 2022, Volkov was designated a 'foreign agent' and added to Russia's terrorism and extremism watchlist together with Ivan Zhdanov, another Navalny associate, who also resides outside the country. The foreign agent status is reserved for those found to be assisting foreign organizations deemed hostile to Russia's interests, as well as for financing such activity. Navalny died at a penal colony in February 2024 while serving his sentence. He was initially imprisoned in 2021 for violating the terms of an earlier suspended sentence. In 2023, he was given an additional 19 years on multiple extremism-related charges. The Russian authorities have since issued arrest warrants against his close associates, including his widow, on various extremism-related charges. All of them reside outside Russia.

Redefining history: Why the fate of the Russia-Ukraine war is being decided in Türkiye
Redefining history: Why the fate of the Russia-Ukraine war is being decided in Türkiye

Russia Today

time4 hours ago

  • Russia Today

Redefining history: Why the fate of the Russia-Ukraine war is being decided in Türkiye

Before the latest round of Russia-Ukraine talks in Istanbul, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan paid a visit to both Moscow and Kiev. These emerged as a potentially pivotal moment in the context of efforts to resolve the conflict. While the Moscow visit was officially framed as a step toward deepening bilateral Russian-Turkish relations, the true priorities of the visit became evident from the first day: The agenda extended far beyond routine diplomacy and touched upon far more delicate and consequential matters. Behind the formal protocol lay an informal mission. Beyond the public statements, it became clear that Fidan's trip was aimed at probing Moscow's position ahead of a possible new round of peace talks with Kiev. This interpretation is supported by the choice of interlocutors – notably his meeting with Vladimir Medinsky, an aide to the Russian president and head of the Russian delegation in the talks with Ukraine – as well as his audience with President Vladimir Putin himself. The symbolism was heightened by the fact that Fidan would proceed to Kiev following his visit to Moscow, a move that clearly underscored Ankara's mediating role. The informational vacuum initially surrounding the visit was telling in itself. Neither the Kremlin nor the Turkish side disclosed substantive details of the discussions, instead issuing only brief summaries referring to 'important high-level contacts.' This silence typically signals the presence of sensitive topics related to security, conflict resolution, or potential diplomatic breakthroughs. Shortly thereafter, RIA Novosti, citing an informed source, reported that negotiations between Russia and Ukraine were indeed discussed with Medinsky. However, the specific aspects – be it content, format, guarantees, or international participation – remained undisclosed. Following his meeting with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, Fidan confirmed that 'important and sensitive' issues for Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan were discussed, including the situation in Ukraine. He explicitly stated that he had conveyed to Moscow Türkiye's proposal to host potential future rounds of negotiations. Fidan emphasized that Türkiye sees its mediating role not merely as a diplomatic option, but as a 'responsibility to the region and to the world.' This rhetoric is no accident: Ankara seeks to solidify its status as a regional power and global mediator capable of maintaining dialogue with both Moscow and Kiev. Lavrov expressed gratitude for Türkiye's previous efforts in providing a platform for negotiations, indicating that Russia would not be opposed to utilizing it again. His remark that 'things went very well in Istanbul' served as diplomatic acknowledgment of Russia's willingness to return to this format. Nevertheless, Lavrov made it clear that for Moscow, the fundamental issue remains the elimination of the root causes of the conflict. On this point, he noted, the positions of the two sides remain far apart. He also pointed out that, unlike Russia, Ukraine has not shown a willingness to uphold previous agreements – including those reached in 2022 but never implemented. The three years since the escalation of the war in Ukraine in 2022 have profoundly reshaped the landscape of international politics. What was once perceived as a short-term crisis – one the West hoped to strangle through sanctions and military aid – has morphed into a prolonged confrontation, draining not only the front lines but also the diplomatic reserves of the actors involved. Today, the conflict has transcended the bounds of a regional war; it has become a symptom of a systemic shift in the global order – a backdrop against which once-unshakable pillars are crumbling, including the West's monopoly over rule-setting, mediation, and legitimacy. The West, which sought Ukraine's victory and Russia's diplomatic isolation, now finds itself fractured and strategically adrift. Europe increasingly reveals its dependence on the US – not only militarily, but politically as well. Yet, with US President Donald Trump's return to the White House, a tectonic shift has occurred. The new administration has adopted a restrained, almost isolationist approach to the issue of Ukraine. Despite earlier bold claims that he could end the war 'within 24 hours,' Trump has quickly encountered the harsh realities of geopolitics. In the first hundred days of his new presidency, there has been no diplomatic breakthrough – no direct pressure on Moscow, and no effective push to compel Kiev toward compromise. Recognizing the impossibility of achieving its stated goals – and facing the risk of a domestic political crisis – the Trump administration has begun to gradually retreat from direct involvement in resolving the conflict, delegating initiative to regional actors. This is not merely a tactical maneuver, but a strategic reorientation: Trump is determined to not let the Ukraine conflict become his war, as Syria became Obama's or Afghanistan Biden's. To avoid reputational collapse, the White House is now consciously shifting responsibility to Ankara – a capital which, unlike Brussels or Washington, still retains a degree of trust in the Kremlin. Against this backdrop, Türkiye – under the leadership of Erdogan – stands as the only platform where substantive talks could realistically be resumed. Türkiye has already demonstrated its capacity as an effective mediator. In 2022, the most promising negotiations between Russian and Ukrainian delegations took place in Istanbul. Despite intense Western pressure, both parties had at the time reached the threshold of a possible compromise. That experience has not been forgotten – neither in Moscow nor in Kiev. Russia, for its part, is increasingly signaling readiness for peace – but not on the basis of unilateral concessions. Moscow insists on firm, guaranteed agreements. For decades, Russia has warned of the fragility of the existing global security architecture – one built on Western hegemony, unilateral interventions, and double standards. Since the 1990s, it has consistently pointed to the threats posed by NATO expansion, the abandonment of equal dialogue, and the West's failure to consider the legitimate interests of other powers. These warnings went unheeded. Today, the Kremlin no longer views Western capitals as reliable partners – which is why, during recent talks with Fidan, Lavrov made it unequivocally clear: If there was to be a second round of negotiations, it must again take place in Türkiye. Moscow is sending a clear message – peace is possible, but only under conditions that address the root causes of the conflict. These include firm guarantees against Ukraine's NATO accession, as well as neutral status for Ukraine and recognition of Russia's core security concerns. The West, by contrast, has lost its moral authority in the eyes of Moscow. The policy of sanctions, rejection of compromise, exploitation of the Ukraine conflict, and overt interference in peace efforts have all but destroyed any remaining trust. The US and EU are no longer seen as impartial mediators. Even rhetorically, Western leaders continue to insist on a Ukrainian victory, effectively ruling out the possibility of genuine dialogue. The EU and UK, left without the American umbrella, are increasingly confronted with their own vulnerability. Military, financial, and political support for Kiev is unsustainable without Washington. And as the US begins to distance itself, European unity begins to fracture: Eastern European nations call for continued confrontation, while major Western European economies show signs of fatigue and are beginning to openly discuss the need to find a way out of the impasse. In this context, Türkiye finds itself presented with a unique window of opportunity. Its interests are multifaceted and long-term. First, peace in the Black Sea region is crucial for Türkiye's economic stability – encompassing maritime trade, grain shipments, energy transit, and control over migration flows. Second, the role of mediator allows Ankara to bolster its ambitions as a regional – and even global – actor, positioned as an alternative to both Western and Eastern diplomacy. Third, peacebuilding in Ukraine provides a means for Türkiye to balance its relations with both Russia and the West, maintaining strategic autonomy without severing ties with either Moscow or Washington. Ankara is operating according to a logic of historical revisionism. Erdogan seeks to restore Türkiye's stature as a power whose influence stretches from the Balkans to the Caucasus, from the Eastern Mediterranean to Central Asia. The resolution of the Ukraine conflict is key not just to Türkiye's participation in global diplomacy – but to its ability to shape the rules of that diplomacy. What now draws Moscow and Ankara together goes far beyond tactical cooperation or pragmatic exchanges in regional conflicts. Increasingly, the two are united by a shared worldview and a desire to redefine the global order that, for decades, has been shaped by Western dominance. Both Russia and Türkiye are growing ever more critical of the unipolar system – one in which the US and its closest allies not only impose 'universal rules', but apply them selectively to serve their own interests. For Moscow, this is a continuation of its historical struggle for sovereignty and security along its borders. For Ankara, it is a path toward reclaiming geopolitical weight in line with its historical and civilizational legacy. Both countries find common cause in their desire to move beyond the destabilizing politics of Western hegemony – a system that undermines global stability, particularly across the Global South, and obstructs the emergence of a more just international order. Türkiye is increasingly vocal in its solidarity with Moscow and Beijing on key issues: From reforming international institutions to reducing reliance on the US dollar as a global payment instrument. Today, Ankara speaks in the same language as the BRICS countries – advocating for the de-Westernization of the global economy, the end of sanctions-based coercion, and the right of regions to pursue their own paths of development. While Türkiye is not yet a member of BRICS or the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), its interest in these blocs is unmistakable. Ankara regularly takes part in SCO summits as a dialogue partner, and the Turkish leadership's remarks on potential BRICS membership have sparked debate in diplomatic circles. For Türkiye, closer alignment with Russia – and with the broader Global South, including China, Iran, and Arab nations – is not merely an alternative to the EU or NATO, but a strategic choice. The Turkish political elite understands that the West no longer sees Ankara as an equal partner, but at best as a tool to contain Russia and Iran. In this light, cooperation with Moscow offers Türkiye a chance not only to enhance its standing in the post-Soviet space and the Black Sea region, but also to help shape a new world order – multipolar, equitable, and free from Washington's dictates. This is why Russian-Turkish efforts toward resolving the Ukraine conflict should not be viewed as an isolated diplomatic episode, but rather as part of a broader attempt to redirect the arc of global history. Thus, a new diplomatic reality is emerging from the ruins of the old one. The US has lost its initiative and credibility; the EU is weak and dependent; and Moscow has made it clear it will no longer play by the old rules. Against this backdrop, only Türkiye possesses the necessary qualities – geopolitical positioning, the trust of both parties, independent agency, and strategic interest – to serve as an effective, perhaps decisive, platform for negotiations to end the Ukraine conflict. And if peace is to be made, it will not be brokered in Geneva or Washington – but in Istanbul.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store