
India's strategic trade reset with the US: Beyond tariff to critical technology
The talk over the new trade deal between India and the US must be seen beyond the trade and tariffs. The reduced tariffs, lesser barriers and regulations could be a potential for economies like India to leverage advanced tech, materials, and machines for a greater global supply chain resilience.
In a pivotal move that could redefine India's position in the global economic and technological landscape, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and U.S. President Donald Trump are negotiating a new trade agreement. The agreement has a key element of a technology partnership. Despite the calls for a tariff, which is more in line with a reciprocal tariff, as the Trump administration calls it, it is based on the trade deficit that the US has with many countries, including India.
However, the tariff reduction also means greater trade and technology, as both are trying to raise the bilateral trade from the existing (2024) $129.2 billion to $500 billion by 2030. Will it be a positive mark on the bilateral trade or a drag while it aims to bolster bilateral ties, enhance economic resilience, and supply chain alternatives? For India, it is more about breaking into some real investment in advanced technology, easing the higher investment in R&D and technology transfer, especially in defence.
The recent deal with the UK has given enough indication to gauge some direction on how Trump's administration will deal with India. Recently, the US announced its first 'breakthrough deal' with Britain. It lowers average British tariffs on US goods. Still, it keeps in place the 10% base tariff on British goods, levied by Trump's administration, which hints at the major policy approach under negotiations with other major economies and trading partners.
In February, India and the United States announced plans to complete the initial phase of a trade agreement by autumn 2025, to achieve bilateral trade of $500 billion by 2030. In June, Trump announced a 90-day pause on his long-planned reciprocal tariffs on global trading partners, including a 26% tariff on India, while his administration negotiates trade deals. Even after the pause, on such a pattern, a 10% base tariff remained for India and other major trading partners.
Tariff Reduction: Expanding trade & Tech
Worth noting that India was amongst the earliest nations to initiate a trade deal with Trump's Administration.
India has proposed a significant reduction in its average tariff gap with the United States, from nearly 13% to under 4%. India's average tariff rate is 17% compared with 3.3% by the US.
Agriculture, being the mainstay of India, has a tariff of around 39% on Agri imports. In electronics, US products face a 7.64 % tariff while Indian electronics get a 0.41 % tariff.
This ambitious move, one of India's most extensive tariff reforms, is designed to prevent potential U.S. tariff hikes and stimulate trade. In exchange, India seeks preferential market access for key export sectors such as gems and jewellery, textiles, chemicals, and agricultural produce, along with full tariff exemptions on its exports.
In the first phase, the Indian government announced to reduce duties to zero on 60% of the tariff lines, a comprehensive scale of trade, covering almost 90% of the goods from the US.
What is the tariff story which also connects to the aspiration of the domestic market? The notion that high tariffs work is factually incorrect, especially in the case of developing nations. In many cases, it is only about protecting the few for the fear of competition, which only limits the growth in the long run.
For example, the US has had the lowest trade tariff barriers, even if it's on a 10% basis, it will be among the lowest. The lower tariff in all economic possibilities will work for developing countries, and the next phase of the growth story must hinge on a greater global supply chain by embracing competition and technologies in all possible ways.
Additionally, India has also shown its intent and greater flexibility by offering to ease/simplify export regulations for high-value U.S. goods, including aircraft, medical equipment, and cars. Further, India is also reportedly easing export regulations on several high-value US exports, including electric vehicles, hydrocarbon, devices (telecom), beverages (whiskey and wines), and chemicals (specific).
However, for India, the point of leverage is far beyond the commodity export or import, but strategic areas of critical technologies such as AI, telecoms, biotech, pharmaceuticals, and semiconductors.
It is about tech, talent, and innovation bases.
TRUST & iCET Initiative: Technological beyond tariff
The trade negotiations are largely seen from the point of goods and tariffs for market access, and removing barriers. However, such a binding agreement opens strategic areas of cooperation, accessing advanced technology for both commercial and defence.
Underlining this, the White House recently announced: Central to this partnership is the launch of the U.S.-India TRUST ('Transforming the Relationship Utilising Strategic Technology') initiative. This initiative aims to catalyse government-to-government, academia, and private sector collaboration to promote the application of critical and emerging technologies in areas like defence, artificial intelligence, semiconductors, quantum computing, biotechnology, energy, and space.
Drawing on PM Modi's policy roadmap on critical tech like Artificial Intelligence (AI), Advanced Computing, and Quantum, the TRUST initiative focuses on the development of a U.S.-India Roadmap on Accelerating AI Infrastructure. The TRUST framework is designed to address and enhance AI capabilities across the key sectors of the economy, including military applications in both nations.
Further, Critical and Emerging Technology (iCET), launched in 2022, is opening collaboration in key sectors – from space to semiconductors, biotechnology, cybersecurity, advanced telecommunications, and clean energy. The reduced barriers will potentially advance the ongoing strategic semiconductor partnership between the US Space Force and 3rdiTech to establish a compound semiconductor fabrication plant in India to manufacture infrared, gallium nitride, and silicon carbide semiconductors that will be used in national security-relevant platforms.
In another area is Advanced Materials R&D, where such trade deals can free metal and materials from high-tariff barriers, which is vital for critical military platforms from aerospace (jet engines) to marine propulsion systems to commercial sectors, healthcare, electronics, energy, and transportation.
Moreover, the very quest for self-reliance in defence technologies warrants a greater flow of tech, talent, and trade. India's acquisition of the MQ-9B platforms, the possible co-production of land warfare systems, and progress on other co-production initiatives outlined in the US-India Roadmap for Defence Industrial Cooperation will further broaden industrial bases in India.
The formation of the Bio-5 Biopharmaceutical Supply Chain Consortium, the US-India-ROK Technology Trilateral, is are building block for cooperation with Australia and Japan through the Quad.
Aligning with Global Allies
India has expressed its desire to be treated on par with top U.S. allies like Britain and Japan in sectors such as AI, biotech, and semiconductors. This alignment is crucial as both nations seek to counter common challenges, including unfair practices in export controls and overconcentration of critical supply chains. By fostering deeper ties in these strategic sectors, India aims to enhance its technological capabilities and ensure its position as a key player in the global innovation ecosystem.
A Calculated Leap Forward
This strategic partnership between India and the United States is not merely a trade agreement but a calculated leap toward global leadership. By reducing trade barriers, enhancing technological collaboration, and aligning with global allies, both nations are positioning themselves to address the complex challenges of the 21st century. The tariff reduction or elimination of trade barriers will deepen collaboration across key sectors – from space to semiconductors, biotechnology, cybersecurity, advanced telecommunications, and clean energy.
As the world watches, India's proactive approach could serve as a model for emerging economies seeking to navigate the intricacies of global trade and technology diplomacy.
On India's part, the expectation of full exemptions from tariffs on exports will be a herculean task under Trump's administration, as it came up during the early phase of negotiations between the US and the UK.
However, in areas like the agriculture sector, where nearly half of India's population is dependent on farming or agriculture needs a different approach is needed. India's high tariffs are to safeguard its farmers from imports and the undue disadvantage they might face from the large subsidies in the US. The trade deal and tariff negotiation must take into account such fundamentals of the Indian economy.
The India-US trade and technology partnership does represent a significant step toward building greater trade, technology, and supply chain resilience in the global economy. The trade reset, as it sounds, an alarm bell is rather an opportunity to not only strengthen its ties with the United States but also assert its role as a pivotal force in shaping the future of global trade and technological innovation.
Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer
Views expressed above are the author's own.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Indian Express
18 minutes ago
- Indian Express
White House reportedly considering Budapest as location for trilateral talks with Zelenskyy and Putin
Hungarian capital Budapest could host US President Donald Trump, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy for the proposed trilateral talks to end the ongoing war. Politico, citing a Trump administration official and a person close to the administration, reported that the US Secret Service is preparing for the summit in Budapest. The report added that while the Secret Service often scouts multiple locations and the ultimate venue could change, Budapest is emerging as a first choice for the White House. The choice of Budapest as the venue for the talks may, however, not be a welcome news for Zelenskyy as Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán, is a long-time Putin ally. On Monday, during his meeting with Trump in the White House, Zelenskyy had expressed his willingness to engage in trilateral talks involving himself, Putin and the US President to end the war that has been ongoing since February 2022. Some European leaders, including French President Emmanuel Macron, had suggested Switzerland as a possible host nation for a meeting between the three presidents. 'It will be [hosted by] a neutral country, maybe Switzerland — I'm pushing for Geneva — or another country,' Macron told French news channel LCI, on Monday. Swiss Foreign Minister Ignazio Cassis, who welcomed the suggestion, said that his country was willing to host the three leaders. 'We are ready for such a meeting, and we also thank you for the trust placed in us. We have always signalled our willingness, but it naturally depends on the will of the major powers,' he told Swiss state broadcaster SRF. Putin has an arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 2023 for alleged unlawful deportation and transfer of children from former Ukrainian territories. On this, Cassis said under certain circumstances, Putin would be allowed to set foot in Switzerland without facing arrest. Though Trump and Zelenskyy have spoken about the trilateral meeting, there is no confirmation from the Kremlin if Putin has agreed to the same. On Tuesday, Trump warned that Putin would face a 'rough situation' if he did not cooperate in the peace process 'I hope President Putin is going to be good and if he's not, that's going to be a rough situation,' Trump said.

Time of India
18 minutes ago
- Time of India
Trump 'INSULTS' EU Leaders For Lacking Urgency To End War; Macron Warns Allies About 'OGRE' Putin
/ Aug 20, 2025, 01:40AM IST U.S. President Donald Trump reportedly clashed with European leaders at the White House, accusing them of lacking urgency to end the Ukraine war. In a fiery Fox News interview, Trump revealed that while some suggested delaying talks for months, he insisted 'too many would die' if peace was postponed. Meanwhile, French President Emmanuel Macron issued a chilling warning, describing Putin as a destabilising force and even 'an ogre at our gates.' Watch.


The Hindu
18 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Breaking down the Chinese wall
As India and China commemorate 75 years of diplomatic engagement this year, strong signs of a diplomatic thaw have emerged. The meeting between Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and his Chinese counterpart, Admiral Dong Jun, on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Defence Ministers' meeting in January; resumption of the Kailash Manasarovar Yatra in June; and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi's two-day visit to India this week all offer glimpses of warmth. A meeting point for two worlds Long before modern diplomacy took shape, and borders were established and redrawn, the relationship between India and China was nurtured by something more enduring: the shared pursuit of knowledge. As early as the first millennium CE, Chinese monks such as Faxian, Xuanzang, and Yijing journeyed across treacherous landscapes to reach Indian centres of learning. At the heart of this exchange stood Nalanda, where ideas flowed more freely than goods, and religious belief and secular inquiry coexisted in harmony. Nalanda was a meeting point of the two worlds, where cultural and intellectual connections flourished far beyond the concerns of modern statehood. In the quest to revive Nalanda today, there is more than nostalgia; there is hope to rebuild the kind of meaningful, respectful engagement that once defined our ties. Nalanda, both as an institution and as a philosophy, has long embodied a commitment to peace, dialogue, and intellectual diplomacy. It's enduring spirit lives on in its motto — 'Aa no bhadra kratavo yantu viśvata (let noble thoughts come to us from all directions).' This same spirit lives on in the idea of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (the world as one family). This way of thinking has, for centuries, held together the threads of exchange between India and China. Since the time of Xuanzang, scholars, teachers, and students from both nations have engaged in meaningful interaction, unimpeded by the boundaries that define the modern state. Today, the space for such academic and cultural exchange seems to be narrowed. Should contemporary political complexities necessarily limit the flow of ideas between two ancient civilisations? Stalling of trade, recurring military confrontations, and hundreds of academic or people-to-people connections awaiting bureaucratic clearance have created a kind of stillness, one that feels far removed from the natural flow of exchange that once defined our ties. Why must scholars on either side require permission to engage in dialogue, or students hesitate before considering an academic exchange with institutions of global standing across the border? There is immense potential for mutual learning. India can look to China's initiatives in areas such as food security, local infrastructure development, or grassroots entrepreneurship. And China's academic and policy community may find value in studying India's democratic decentralisation, open civil society engagement, or digital public goods framework. These are not points of comparison, but possible pathways of collaborative learning. In this light, one wonders: why does India's engagement with China remain so carefully limited? Why does strategic ambiguity continue to define a relationship rooted in shared intellectual history? How can we move from reactive diplomacy towards a more confident, future-facing framework that honours the depth of our civilisational ties, while meeting the complexities of the present? How do we deal with the emergence of 'the gatekeeper states,' limiting the range of possibilities? The Nalanda way Just as Nalanda once created space for dialogue and learning between civilisations, perhaps today too, we can draw from that spirit to shape how we engage with China. There will always be areas where our paths differ: on the border, in trade, or in the way we see the region around us. But Nalanda reminds us that disagreement does not have to mean disengagement. It is possible to hold firm where we must, and still stay open to conversations where they matter. This approach also calls for some reflection on how we prepare ourselves. We don't need to change our principles, but we may need to adapt how we practice them. Investing in stronger academic and policy research on China, allowing smoother academic exchanges in areas such as environment, health, and culture, and building long-term people-to-people connections are quiet but important steps. Nalanda drew its strength from more than just being a beacon of knowledge. At the heart of Nalanda's tradition were values that still feel close to us: curiosity, compassion, and the transformative power of knowledge. Scholars such as Śīlabhadra, who taught the Chinese monk Xuanzang, showed that learning could also be a form of diplomacy. Nalanda wasn't just India's; it was also a place of deep importance to generations of Chinese scholars who carried its teachings home and helped shape the intellectual and spiritual fabric of East Asia. Today, perhaps these principles matter even more. If India and China can draw from this shared legacy with genuine intention, they may find a way to engage with each other more thoughtfully. Curiosity without fear, dialogue without suspicion, and clarity without aggression could be the beginning of a steadier path built on understanding and mutual respect. We need to break down our Chinese wall to move beyond the paranoia that sustains our China policy. Rajeev Ranjan Chaturvedy, Associate Professor heading the School of International Relations and Peace Studies, and founding coordinator of the Centre for Bay of Bengal Studies; Anushka Padmanabh Antrolikar, Postgraduate scholar at Nalanda University, Rajgir