
Shashi Tharoor's English finally meets its match, and his Hindi comeback is pure gold
Shashi Tharoor
, a man whose mastery of the English language can leave even seasoned orators fumbling for words, found himself in a rare role reversal this week when a social media user attempted to beat him at his own game.
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The
Thiruvananthapuram MP
, known for his eloquent turns of phrase, was responding to a light-hearted jibe on X (formerly Twitter) about his penchant for using unusually complex vocabulary. The exchange unfolded after Tharoor defended India against comments made by US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, who had labelled the country 'a bit recalcitrant' in ongoing
trade negotiations
.
While Tharoor's robust defence of India drew praise from many quarters, one mischievous social media user decided to engage him in a battle of linguistic fireworks.
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'That's fine Shashi,' the user began, 'but what about the abnegation of camaraderie in the egregious enfranchise that comes from the fatuous of the grandiloquent at the behest of impecunious and insidious semaphore?'
Tharoor's reply was short, sharp and entirely in Hindi: 'Bhai, aap kehna kya chahte ho?' (Brother, what are you trying to say?)
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The playful exchange quickly went viral, delighting his followers who appreciated seeing the erudite politician momentarily trade Shakespearean flourish for street-level simplicity.
'Better Recalcitrant Than Submissive'
Earlier, in a pointed response to Bessent's remarks, Tharoor had written: 'I hear some people are accusing India of being 'recalcitrant'. I say, far better to be
recalcitrant
than to be tractable, submissive or acquiescent to injustice.'
Bessent's original comments came during an interview with Fox Business, where he noted:
'The big trade deals that aren't done or aren't agreed… Switzerland is still around, India has been a bit recalcitrant. US trade representative Jamieson Greer and his team of lawyers are busy papering all this over.'
Trade Tensions on the Rise
The war of words arrives against the backdrop of escalating trade friction between India and the United States. President Donald Trump recently announced sweeping tariffs totalling 50% on Indian goods, including a 25% levy on Delhi's purchases of Russian oil, due to take effect from 27 August.
India's Ministry of External Affairs swiftly condemned the move as 'unjustified and unreasonable', vowing to take all necessary steps to safeguard the nation's
economic security
and strategic interests.
The timing is particularly sensitive, with a US delegation scheduled to arrive in India on 25 August for the sixth round of negotiations on a long-awaited
bilateral trade agreement
. Both sides have expressed hope of concluding the first phase of the deal by the autumn of this year.
Inputs from agencies
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Hindustan Times
27 minutes ago
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I gathered materials from all over the world. Finally, during the pandemic, I decided I could not postpone organising this material any longer. So, I started organising everything and writing. In Tamil Nadu, VOC is a household figure. You can write a full book, a short book, or focus on just one part of his life in Tamil. But how do you pitch the story of VOC in English? I thought I would focus on his crowning achievement, the most dramatic part of his life – the setting up of a Swadeshi shipping company. A David versus Goliath story. It has all the narrative elements for a good story: an underdog, a powerful villain backed by an even more powerful state, betrayal, and tragedy -- everything. VOC may be a household figure in Tamil Nadu, but in the so-called national consciousness of the freedom struggle, figures like him are often seen as regional. How do you see this? The rise of Gandhi transformed everything. He was India's first truly national leader. Whatever Gandhi said had an effect everywhere -- the Pathan tribes in Peshawar would listen to him, people in Assam followed him, and he had a following in Tamil Nadu as well. That kind of figure's influence was unprecedented. VOC was so committed to Tilak that he refused to accept anybody else as his leader. For instance, Subramania Bharati and Subramania Siva, VOC's associates during the Swadeshi movement, accepted Gandhi's leadership. They were reconciled to the fact that Tilak's time had passed. Some others, such as GS Khaparde and BS Moonje moved to the Hindu Mahasabha. But VOC kept away from both paths, and remained steadfast. VOC also played a part in the non-Brahmin (Dravidian) movement. As a result, he was sidelined by the Indian National Congress. But in public memory, he is remembered as the symbol of selfless sacrifice, one of the audacious dreamers. 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The Tamil elite, with their focus on science and technology, ignored the social sciences. Combined with the north Indian indifference towards the south, this lack has meant that major south Indian personalities remain unknown outside their states. South India is also a land of big linguistic movements. How does that juxtapose with what you're saying? Yes, it's true. The first anti-Hindi agitation dates to the late 1930s. But the way to influence discourse at the national level is through English. It is the elite who will need to take the first swing. The Bengal bhadralok come immediately to mind. In the case of Tamil Nadu, the elite were the Brahmins. But for many historical reasons, they forsook the humanities. Unfortunately, intellectuals of the Dravidian movement too did not write as much in English. For instance, even though CN Annadurai edited an English journal, Homeland, not until he was elected to the Rajya Sabha in 1962, did he express his views extensively in English. As we know, his Rajya Sabha speeches made a big impact. I want to ask a more contemporary question about language and the Hindi debate. How different is this moment from the 1950s and 1960s? As a Tamil scholar and a historian, I see one common thread running through the centuries – the Tamils have always wanted to maintain their distinct identity. If you look at Tamil literary history, while always being in conversation with the north and Sanskrit, Tamil has still maintained its identity. Even the Bhakti movement, which originates in the 7th century in Tamil Nadu, is a reaction to developments in North India. In modern times, linguistic pride and linguistic identity are playing out in the realm of democratic politics. Gandhi and the Congress, while organising the party structure in linguistic terms, believed that free India needed a national language and that could only be Hindi – whether it was an accommodative Hindustani or a Sanskritised Hindi. The anti-Hindi agitation of 1937–39 is a response to this. In post-Independence India, it was argued that south Indians needed to learn Hindi for employment. With economic and social development in south India outpacing the north that argument has been junked. The democratisation of society in south India is deeper than elsewhere. Young people from across the social spectrum in Tamil Nadu have taken to technical education through English and have left for better pastures abroad. Tamil people are not convinced that there is good faith in the argument of Hindi enthusiasts. You call it a three-language policy. In which part of north India is anybody learning Telugu or Tamil or Malayalam or Kannada? Regarding the Dravidian movement, is there a weakening of the roots? If anything, rather than weakening, I think the Dravidian movement is only gaining in strength. But it is uneven. Some social classes which have already gained and moved up through the movement are flirting with the muscular, ascendant Hindutva identity. But many other sections of people still have much to gain from the Dravidian movement. And this love for Tamil culture, for language, for identity - that is not weakening. When I began my writing career, talking about Periyar in academic forums, talking about Tamil identity was not the done thing. Now, younger people are reading more and more of Periyar and Anna. The history of these movements is being rediscovered. The amount of literature that is being generated, the number of books that have been published on Periyar, Anna, Dravidian movement and Tamil culture in the last 20 years is mind-boggling. It is difficult to keep track of it. Your book on VOC, Swadeshi Steam, is also an economic history of the freedom struggle. What does an economic understanding of the movement add to our understanding of India? 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Linguistic division of states has strengthened India, there is no doubt about it. But it has also created enmity between neighbouring languages. The level of acrimony is unbelievable. We have failed in trying to address it. It calls for more understanding.


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37 minutes ago
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