logo
Behind the Story: Why Irish seas 'urgently' need more legal protection

Behind the Story: Why Irish seas 'urgently' need more legal protection

RTÉ News​18 hours ago
Ireland needs its own legislation to safeguard marine protected areas, an expert has warned.
Marine biologist Rebecca Hunter told Behind the Story that the damage to the seas around Ireland is "quite alarming".
"This year alone there are records of Atlantic Salmon that has declined by 90% since the 1970s," she said.
"So, in the past 50, 60 years – not even a human lifetime – 90% of Irish Salmon have been lost.
"The European Eel, which would return to Irish rivers, is down 97%."
Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) are areas that are protected and managed over the long term, with a primary objective of conserving habitats and/or species.
The Government approved the general scheme of a Marine Protected Areas Bill in December 2022.
However, it was reported in June that the coalition could drop the law in favour of folding it into the offshore wind consenting scheme.
"An exercise is being undertaken to explore how the Maritime Area Planning Act 2021 could be revised as an alternative approach, so that the overarching objectives of MPA Bill might be met through amendment of that act," Minister for Housing James Browne has said.
Ms Hunter said legislation needs to give Ireland the power to designate marine protected areas for species and habitats of national importance.
"Ireland already has some marine protected areas that come from the EU Habitats Directive," she said.
"I think currently something like 8.3% of Irish seas are protected through those designations."
However, Ms Hunter said there are two issues with relying on EU legislation alone.
"The EU Habitats Directive never made a requirement for any management measures to be put in place when those sites were designated," she explained.
"They often become what's known as paper parks: [so] they exist on paper, but in effect no activities are being stopped, reduced or managed in any way to protect the species.
"The EU Habitats Directive covers species and habitats that are important at an EU level; but that misses a large number that are important at an Irish level".
Ms Hunter said there needs to be standalone legislation on marine protection.
"National marine protection would allow Ireland to bring forward a new list of species that require protection in Irish waters and it must include the provision that management measures are in place," she said.
"Ireland is signed up to the target of achieving at least 20% protection by 2030 – at the minute it's about 8.3%.
"Ireland is one of the countries furthest behind in its level of protection".
Ms Hunter said the seas need their own piece of legislation for protection, rather than "be shoehorned into a piece of legislation that is designed to manage human activities".
Marine and coastal habitats
Ms Hunter said recent reports suggest that areas are at risk.
"The latest reports on the condition of marine and coastal habitats within some of Ireland's marine protected areas are showing that a huge number of these are in an unfavourable status," she said.
"There's a whale-watching company in Cork that closed recently because there are no longer the whales to keep that business going".
Ms Hunter said some marine species are closer to extinction than people may realise.
"There are animals in Irish seas which are closer to extinction than many of the big species we may think of when we hear that word [such as] snow leopards, giant pandas," she said.
"There are animals like the flapper skate, the angel shark – they are ranked as being closer to extinction than any of those other species."
Ms Hunter said the decline is due to a number of factors including climate breakdown, water quality issues and habitat loss.
'Our sense of identity'
Ms Hunter explained her love for the sea came from her childhood.
"It's like another world out there," she said.
"I grew up, spending a lot of time in Donegal, around Lough Swilly.
"There's so much different marine life that Ireland has - the size of Ireland's sea is about seven-times larger than the size of the island itself".
Ms Hunter said Irish waters contain "huge numbers of sea birds and coastal animals" as well as 26 different types of whales and dolphins.
"Even more recently discovered animals that were thought to be lost: there are angel sharks in Tralee Bay and there's even coral reefs".
Ms Hunter said such creatures are "deeply bound into our stories and our sense of identity".
As part of her research, she spent four months on a vessel in 2009.
"It's a wonderful experience, it can be a tough experience," she recalls.
"There were a lot of storms; we had to actually rescue a rower trying to make his way over the Atlantic Ocean at one point.
"You learned to stick your life jacket under one side of your mattress to sort of push your mattress up against the wall.
"That held you in in your bed, so that the storms didn't chuck you out of your bed halfway through the night".
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Media's role in fighting corruption must be defended
Media's role in fighting corruption must be defended

Irish Examiner

time4 hours ago

  • Irish Examiner

Media's role in fighting corruption must be defended

This summer marks the 30th anniversary of the enactment of the Ethics in Public Office Act 1995. Although commended for introducing statutory disclosure obligations for designated public office holders, including politicians, and the establishment of Sipo's predecessor, its significance runs deeper. The act ended a 79-year hiatus in Ireland's anti-corruption legislation. From the foundation of the Irish Free State, the legislation governing corruption in Ireland was housed in the Prevention of Corruption Acts 1889 to 1916. That legislation remained unamended on the Irish statute book until 1995, when modest revisions were introduced under the Ethics in Public Office Act. That act was introduced partly as a response to political indiscretions exposed in a number of scandals that gripped Ireland during the 1990s, including the Greencore affair, Telecom Éireann's site purchase, and the Beef Tribunal. But behind that legislative response lay another powerful force — the media. From the 1970s onwards, investigative journalism in Ireland began to develop, which led — among other things — to the exposure during the 1990s of conflicts of interest and ethical lapses among public officials. The media reports unearthed a culture of impunity and lack of oversight, and were significant in embedding corruption in the public discourse. The Greencore affair, for example, which arose out of the privatisation of Súicre Éireann, revealed weaknesses in the anti-corruption legislative architecture that had never been focused on before, namely conflicts between public duties and private interests. It centred on a small number of executives who bought a 49% stake in a subsidiary of the company for £3.2m and sold it back to the State a year later for £9.5m, prompting concerns over corporate governance and abuse of trust. Although statutory investigations found breaches of company law and corrupt practices by some of those involved, no criminal prosecutions followed. Then there was Telecom Éireann, a semi-state company, which found itself the subject of much media attention in 1991, arising from irregularities surrounding its purchase of a piece of land for use as its headquarters. The Beef Tribunal, established in 1991, on foot of an ITV World in Action programme, would go on to reveal questionable and uncomfortably close connections between big business interests and Irish political interests. These revelations helped shift public sentiment, fostering a climate more receptive to investigative journalism and expanding the public understanding of corruption. Before then, corruption was regarded as an overt form of bribery. This understanding was reflected in the legislation criminalising corruption, which dated back to 1889. Events throughout the 1990s showed that corrupt behaviour could constitute more clandestine activities where private interests and public duties collided, and an awareness of the connection between conflicts of interest and corruption. This growing public awareness, aided by the media, created the necessary political pressure for reform. The Ethics in Public Office Act 1995 was the first enacted legislative response. However, it was not the first attempt to introduce accountability into Irish public life. Four years previously, Labour TD Brendan Howlin initiated the Ethics in Government and Public Office Bill 1991 as a private members' bill. Although the bill was defeated, its principles were incorporated into the 1995 act. The Ethics in Public Office Act 1995 sparked a series of incremental reforms over the next 15 years, including the introduction of freedom of information laws, regulation of political donations, and the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Acts 2001 and 2010. Running in tandem with these legislative developments was persistent media scrutiny, reporting on events that formed the subject matter of various tribunals throughout the 1990s and 2000s. The media played a pivotal role in the establishment of the tribunals. However, its influence extended beyond this initial contribution, in that it was instrumental in informing the public about the proceedings and findings of the tribunals. The particular significance of the Moriarty, Planning, and Morris tribunals is that, for the first time, findings of corruption were made against individuals who were the subject of the investigations. The momentum for change, driven by media vigilance and Ireland's commitments under international and European instruments such as the OECD Convention on Combating Bribery, ultimately culminated in the Criminal Justice (Corruption Offences) Act 2018. The 2018 Act repealed Ireland's outdated corruption laws and replaced them with a unified modern framework. It introduced offences of active and passive corruption, trading in influence, knowingly giving gifts or advantages to facilitate the commission of a corruption offence, intimidation, and substantially increased penalties for corruption offences. The legislative inertia that had persisted for most of the 20th century eventually gave way to a resurgence of reform, driven in no small way by the media's persistent focus on corruption. As Mr Justice Humphreys recently observed, the media plays a vital role in shaping public discourse, a role that mirrors Percy Bysshe Shelley's famous description of poets as "the unacknowledged legislators of the world". This is not to suggest that the media alone dictates policy and legislation; rather, media coverage can influence legislators' behaviour, as Ireland's experience with corruption legislation has shown. Irish legislation is a product of the Oireachtas, which essentially comprises directly elected politicians. Dependent on public support, politicians risk losing political power if they ignore public opinion. Media reporting and commentary often guide public opinion, which in turn can influence the legislative agenda. The evolution of Ireland's anti-corruption laws is a testament to the enduring importance of the Fourth Estate. Ireland's path towards transparency and reform may not have been so meaningful without it. In a world facing growing threats of free-speech intimidation, protecting an independent Fourth Estate capable of speaking truth to power is more important than ever. Gail Nohilly is a barrister and knowledge lawyer and recently completed her PhD at the University of Limerick, tracking the evolution of Ireland's corruption legislation and the role of the media.

China-EU relations are now 50 years old
China-EU relations are now 50 years old

Irish Examiner

time4 hours ago

  • Irish Examiner

China-EU relations are now 50 years old

Fifty years ago, in the midst of the Cold War, visionary leaders from China and Europe showed remarkable political courage and strategic foresight by breaking through the rigid bloc confrontations of the time. In 1975, they established diplomatic relations between China and the European Economic Community — a historic step that opened the door to a relationship grounded in dialogue, co-operation, and mutual benefit. Over the past five decades, the results of this partnership have been truly remarkable. The 'win-win' nature of China–EU relations is clearly evident. The European Community, originally composed of just nine member states, has grown into the 27-member EU — a deeply integrated and influential global actor. Meanwhile, China has emerged as the world's second-largest economy. Bilateral trade has surged from $2.4bn in 1975 to an impressive $785.8bn today, while mutual investment has expanded from virtually nothing to nearly $260bn. Chinese investment has created more than 270,000 jobs in the EU. Co-operation now extends across a wide array of fields, including economy and trade, science, education, and culture. China has unilaterally granted visa-free access to citizens of 24 EU member states, and nearly 600 flights connect China and Europe each week. In 2024 alone, more than 9.7m people travelled between the two regions. Looking back, the development of China–EU relations has not been without its challenges. As the Chinese saying goes, 'A friend in need is a friend indeed'. Despite the EU's internal ups and downs or shifts in the global landscape, China's approach to its relationship with the EU has remained consistent and steady. China has always supported European integration and respects the EU's pursuit of strategic autonomy — welcoming a strong, prosperous, and stable Europe. During the European debt and financial crises, China extended its support by expressing firm confidence — famously declaring that 'confidence is more precious than gold' — and by purchasing large amounts of eurozone bonds. China's capital inflows and booming trade with Europe played a constructive role in the region's economic rebound. Following the UK's decision to leave the EU, China maintained its confidence in European unity. It dismissed the noise of Euroscepticism and Brexit-related anxieties, trusting in a smooth transition between the EU and the UK, while continuing to advocate for the stable and healthy development of China–EU ties. During the covid-19 pandemic, China stood in solidarity with Europe. Despite facing domestic shortages and pressure, China overcame logistical and supply challenges to donate and export large volumes of medical supplies to the EU and its member states, including Ireland. Between March 29 and April 26, 2020, Aer Lingus operated 259 cargo flights between Dublin and Beijing, transporting over 4,000 tons of medical supplies from China — the largest freight operation in the airline's history. These five decades have shown that China and the EU have the capacity to support and elevate each other — and even offer hope to the wider world. China's development has never been intended to challenge or even 'screw' the EU. On the contrary, it has always sought to respect and address EU concerns. On the Ukraine crisis, China has clearly stated its opposition to the use of nuclear weapons and attacks on civilian nuclear facilities. It has called for preventing escalation and spillover of the conflict and emphasised Europe's rightful role in resolving the crisis. Like EU, China is committed to a political settlement and supports Europe to build a balanced, effective, and sustainable European security architecture — one that can ensure lasting peace and prevent a repeat of war. On matters of trade and economic co-operation, China has taken tangible steps to address EU concerns. The number of sectors restricted to foreign investment has been significantly reduced — from 190 to just 29 — while efforts to ensure national treatment for foreign investors are steadily advancing. These measures have provided European businesses with broader access to a more open and rules-based Chinese market. In response to supply-chain concerns, such as those involving rare earth elements, China has introduced a 'fast track' mechanism for European companies. To address worries about trade diversion, China has agreed to a monitoring mechanism and introduced consumer goods upgrade and equipment renewal policies aimed at expanding domestic demand — concrete signs of China's goodwill and commitment. Over the past five decades, China and Europe have built experience and goodwill that will help us counter uncertainty and future challenges. Denying past achievements clouds our vision for the future. Disregarding the efforts of past generations is tantamount to denying our own progress. As two major forces promoting multipolarity, two massive markets supporting globalisation, and two great civilisations championing diversity, China and Europe have every reason to choose openness and co-operation. If we do, the global tide toward economic integration will remain unbroken. Looking ahead, China hopes to work with EU to uphold the post-war international order and multilateral trading system, providing much-needed global stability and certainty. Together, we can shape an even more promising next 50 years for China–EU relations. Zhao Xiyuan is the Ambassador of China to Ireland.

Conor McGregor launches petition declaring intentions to seek Irish presidency
Conor McGregor launches petition declaring intentions to seek Irish presidency

Sunday World

time4 hours ago

  • Sunday World

Conor McGregor launches petition declaring intentions to seek Irish presidency

McGregor says the public's support will be 'instrumental in championing a more inclusive and democratic electoral process. MMA star Conor McGregor has launched a petition this evening declaring his intentions to seek the office of President of Ireland. In a Facebook post addressed to 'the esteemed citizens of Ireland and the Irish diaspora', McGregor proposes a petition advocating for a modification of the nomination process to allow his name to be included on the ballot. 'To the esteemed citizens of Ireland and the Irish diaspora, I, Conor McGregor hereby declare my intention to seek the esteemed office of President of Ireland. The current constitutional framework however presents a significant barrier to democratic participation. Conor McGregor's post on Facebook this evening The existing regulations mandate that a candidate must secure nominations from either twenty members of the Oireachtas or four county councils to be eligible for the ballot. This system, while intended to ensure a degree of political influence among candidates, inadvertently restricts the direct voice of the Irish electorate.' He goes on to say how the public's support will be 'instrumental in championing a more inclusive and democratic electoral process. "In light of this, I propose a petition advocating for a modification of the nomination process to allow my name be included on the ballot. I contend that the citizens of Ireland, both at home and abroad, should have the unhindered right to determine the candidates who appear on the presidential ballot. Therefore, I implore you to join me in this endeavour by signing this petition. Your support will be instrumental in championing a more inclusive and democratic electoral process, thereby empowering the people of Ireland to shape their own future.' Conor McGregor and his family News in 90 Seconds - Monday, August 4th

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store