
Australia needs more than hollow words about a fair go – we need brave policy-makers
On Anzac Day I like to post on social media a list of birthdates in the national service lotteries from 1965 t0 1972. I do it because the March 1966 ballot, which was for men born between January and June 1946, includes my dad's birthday. He was picked and he fought in Vietnam, arriving just before the Tet Offensive in 1968.
Not only is my dad's birth date in that March 1966 ballot; so is mine. And that chills me.
It's part of why I revere the Australian War Memorial as a sacred place – it's hard not to when you've stood beside your dad as he pointed to the names of those he knew on the Roll of Honour.
It is why I have no qualms in saying I hate the AWM's lack of commemoration of the frontier wars, and deeply despise the $500m spent turning it into a 'Disneyland of war'.
It's also why I have deep contempt for a party using the days before Anzac Day to announce a jingoistic $21bn in defence spending and which talks about putting us on a 'war footing'. But it is mostly about very expensive, redundant toys.
I also ask the question that is often linked to Anzac Day: what are we defending? What are these values we hear soldiers sacrificed their lives for? And are our politicians brave enough to propose policies that reinforce and deliver those values?
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Is it a society where the unemployed live in poverty while the Reserve Bank believes there needs to be about 4.5% of the labour force without a job to keep inflation stable, and yet jobseeker is about 38% below the poverty line?
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Is that Australia's'fair go'?
What about our native flora and fauna? Is there anything more deserving of our protection?
This month we were told that the Great Barrier Reef is near a tipping point for survival. Surely a political party proud of Australia would be making the loudest noise possible to get action on climate change. Instead, when asked last week about climate change, Coalition leader Peter Dutton meekly said, 'the question is what we can do about it as a population of 27 million people?'
What about decisions that affect our own shores? Is there any bravery there? No. Instead, the government and the opposition rushed through legislation to ensure salmon farms in Macquarie Harbour can continue even though the industry is almost certainly sentencing the Maugean skate to extinction.
Neither party showed any bravery failing to stand up to foreign companies that employ few workers, and which pay negligible amounts of tax.
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Dutton at least has been brave enough to be the first leader of the Liberal party to admit we don't have a shortage of gas – something the ALP doesn't admit.
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But there is no bravery from either party about higher taxes on these mostly foreign-owned gas companies. Over the decade from 2019, beer drinkers will sacrifice more than gas companies – paying $12bn more in excise than gas companies will pay petroleum resources rent tax.
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Nor do the two main parties show any bravery by arguing we do not need any more new gas fields. Instead, this week the government approved a massive new gas project that will be purely for export and will not be subject to any royalties.
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Australia is now a country that defends giving away – for free – our natural resources, and their extraction will contribute to the destruction of the Great Barrier Reef.
On housing, both the ALP and the Coalition capitulated to the wealthy – making it clear they would not touch the 50% capital gains tax deduction or negative gearing.
The Parliamentary Budget Office last week estimated the cost to the government in revenue foregone from both policies in 2025-26 would be $13.4bn. If this was listed as a program it would be the 14th most expensive – just below the cost of jobseeker.
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But in Tuesday night's debate, Dutton suggested we shouldn't touch it because it 'would be a disaster for people who are saving for a rental property'.
It would seem the Australian dream we now defend is the dream of negatively gearing our property for the second, or third, or 26th time.
Is the Australia we love the one where we have one of the highest levels of old-age poverty among rich nations, and the second lowest age pension?
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Clearly, sacrifice does not include the taxpayer funded retirees masquerading as 'self-funded' – who reap about $22bn in superannuation tax breaks.
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I agree that Australia is great. But it could be much greater.
Google 'Australian ballot' and tell me you don't feel some pride that we led the way in ensuring everyone could lodge their vote in private. What about women's suffrage? Does that not suggest a nation that can change the world?
It is not only conservatives who love our country and believe it is worth defending.
But what is it we love, what is it we want to defend? It's all well and good to talk about a fair go, or our great natural resources and lifestyle. But talk is cheap and hollow words are weak.
Bravery in policymaking can ensure we are a free and equitable nation with a unique environment of which we can be rightly proud.
Greg Jericho is a Guardian columnist and policy director at the Centre for Future Work
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The Guardian
2 days ago
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The Guardian
3 days ago
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Thursday briefing: How Geert Wilders' exit from Dutch coalition might set up his own comeback
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This included enlisting the army to secure and patrol the borders, turning all asylum seekers back when they reached the Netherlands, closing refugee accommodation facilities, deporting all Syrian refugees, suspending EU asylum quotas, and banning family members joining refugees already in the country. Unsurprisingly, legal experts said several of these proposed policies breached European human rights laws or the UN refugee convention, to which the Netherlands is a signatory. Still, Mudde said the government had tried to bring immigration down through drastic measures. For one, the government wanted to declare a national immigration crisis, which would have granted special powers, but a court struck it down as unconstitutional. 'They have passed many other legislations, but of course it has to be implemented. And that often takes a long time. This is much more about impatience than about not having policies passed,' Mudde said. One of the parties in the coalition was against declaring an immigration crisis. 'But they mostly didn't want to do that because it was clear that it would be struck down by the court. So the difference between the parties has not so much been about what we should do. It is much more about how to do it. It is not as if these other parties have said, no, you are too extreme. They've pretty much given Wilders everything on immigration,' Mudde added. What the government did push for, he said, was bringing immigration down within the legal framework of Dutch liberal democracy. Why did he pull out? Wilders' decision to pull out of the coalition is widely seen as bizarre. Recent polls show the PVV has lost significant voter support since its shock election victory in November 2023. The party is now polling at about 20%, roughly level with the Labour/Green alliance, currently the second-largest bloc in parliament (more on them soon). 'There is no strategic decision here. It is being framed by the other parties as him being unreliable, and this plays into the broader narrative of populists being irrational, like he is some kind of Trump. He is not reckless usually, so this is a very odd decision,' Mudde said. Unlike some other far-right politicians, Mudde added, Wilders is a true believer. 'Wilders has been living for more than 15 years under 24/7 police protection because of the threat of jihadists. And while he denies that this has affected the way he looks at the world, there's no way that this hasn't impacted him.' For Wilders, the fight against immigration, or more bluntly, against Islam and Muslims, is existential. 'It is the only issue for him, it is fundamental. He's not concerned about surviving as leader because he is the party. He believes that the government didn't do what he wanted, so he got out of the government. It's an ideological decision, which strategically doesn't make much sense. That is very rare in politics: to put ideologies over strategy.' What happens next? It is hard to predict who will come out on top in the October election – and much of what is happening now may be forgotten by then. After the collapse, Wilders came out swinging with one clear message to voters: I wasn't allowed to implement the radical changes the country needs. Vote for us because we're too big to ignore. The VVD, under Dilan Yeşilgöz, has responded in a way reminiscent of former prime minister Mark Rutte, Mudde explains: acknowledging that immigration is a major issue but insisting that far-right populists like Wilders are all talk and no delivery. Yeşilgöz hasn't ruled out governing with Wilders again. That risks a repeat of the 2023 election, which was framed around immigration and whether Wilders should be allowed into government, which is a narrative that ultimately benefits him. There is still a chance the VVD could pivot back to traditional issues, such as lowering taxes, he added. If that happens, the Netherlands could end up with a centrist government made up of the VVD, GroenLinks–PvdA, D66, and the Christian Democrats, 'bringing the Netherlands back to where it has been for a long time'. According to Mudde, two key players in setting the political tone are the Dutch media, which has been 'obsessed' with the far right and immigration since the 2002 assassination of Pim Fortuyn, and the VVD itself. 'Politicians create their own realities,' Mudde says. 'And so just as Starmer thinks that if he is going to be Reform-lite, then he's going to win back the white working-class vote, which he never lost actually, the VVD has a similar story: they think that if we campaign as the trustworthy anti-immigrant party, then we will win back the voters who we lost to Wilders.' But if they choose to focus on immigration, the media will follow, and the far right will benefit, he added. Sign up to First Edition Our morning email breaks down the key stories of the day, telling you what's happening and why it matters after newsletter promotion And what of the centre left? The Social Democrats and the Greens are running on a joint list and are very close to merging, Mudde explains. That's made them more interesting to the media and helped them poll neck-and-neck with the far-right PVV. 'They've got Frans Timmermans, who's a heavyweight. But they haven't been able to truly shift the discourse. He'll likely campaign against the far right — 'Vote for us, or you'll get Wilders' — but that still keeps the focus on Wilders,' Mudde said. 'Whereas if you campaign on housing, education, healthcare, which are major issues in the Netherlands, then you force the VVD to have a position on that. You even force Wilders to have a position on that.' 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The club were determined to bring in a new striker this summer and have moved swiftly to secure one of their top targets. 'Chaos fears over return of winter fuel payments' says the Guardian, while the Times has 'Pensioners face tax hit for winter fuel U-turn' and the Express renders it as 'Farage backs call for full U-turn to help OAPs'. The i paper plays this one with a straight bat: 'Pensioners on disability and housing benefit in line for winter fuel payments'. 'Glee school meals' – the Mirror claims 'campaign victories' on that issue and the winter fuel money. 'Reeves forced to drop net zero cuts' – that's the Telegraph while the chancellor gets a better run in the Metro with 'Reeves unveils major transport plan … £15bn to get Britain moving'. Top story in the Financial Times is 'Trump's 'big beautiful bill' will swell US debt by $2.4tn, warns watchdog'. 'Battle lines drawn over immigration' says the Daily Mail, summarising the platforms of 'Keir' and 'Kemi' side by side below. 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Sign up here for a weekly roundup of The Upside, sent to you every Sunday And finally, the Guardian's puzzles are here to keep you entertained throughout the day. Until tomorrow. Quick crossword Cryptic crossword Wordiply