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'Challenges Don't Come from China' Xi Snaps Back as Eu Dubs Russia 'Determining Factor' for Ties

'Challenges Don't Come from China' Xi Snaps Back as Eu Dubs Russia 'Determining Factor' for Ties

News183 days ago
EU chief Ursula von der Leyen warned on Thursday that China's ties with Russia were now the "determining" factor in its relations with the European Union, as she wrapped up a tense summit in Beijing that also saw China agree to speed up exports of rare earth minerals to the bloc.Brussels says China's deepening political and economic relations with Moscow since the 2022 invasion have helped Russia's economy weather sweeping Western sanctions. Beijing denies that claim.Wrapping up that summit, von der Leyen told a news conference in Beijing that the bloc had made clear that the issue was now the "determining" factor in its relations with China.She and European Council President Antonio Costa expressed "our expectations that China would follow up on our concerns and the expectation that it would use its influence to bring Russia to accept a ceasefire, to come to the negotiation table, enter peace talks and put an end to the bloodshed", von der Leyen said. n18oc_world n18oc_crux0:00 INTRODUCTION3:42 XI URGES EU TO MAKE 'CORRECT STRATEGIC CHOICES'4:50 CHINA MASKS RUSSIA DRONE ENGINES AS "INDUSTRIAL REFRIGERATION UNITS"
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Uncertainty around US tariffs will not be over after August 1, even with signed trade deals
Uncertainty around US tariffs will not be over after August 1, even with signed trade deals

Indian Express

time24 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Uncertainty around US tariffs will not be over after August 1, even with signed trade deals

The US tariff saga has gone through many twists and turns. And many more are likely left. The ratcheting up of tariffs last month is broader and higher than expected. In late May, the view was that while the extant US average tariff rate was around 13-14 per cent, it was headed towards 18-20 per cent. Much of the increase was expected to be focused on ASEAN, where the tariff rate would be raised to that of China's to eliminate transshipment of Chinese exports to the US via the region. While those on Vietnam and Indonesia were in line with expectations, the additional tariffs on Brazil, Canada, and Mexico were not. Nor was the higher 50 per cent rate on copper. However, negotiations are ongoing, including with India, the EU, and Korea. If this week's Japan deal is any guide, tariffs on these economies will likely be half of the threatened levels. But, even at the reduced rate, if these, along with those on EU and the likely extensions of global sectoral tariffs to semiconductors and pharmaceuticals, are realised, then the effective tariff rate could well exceed 20 per cent. All eyes are therefore on August 1, which is the new deadline set by the administration for countries to finalise trade deals. But there is an upcoming and surprisingly overlooked event that could easily make these trade deals moot and plunge the tariff discussions into more uncertainty. On May 28, the US Court of International Trade (USCIT) ruled that tariffs imposed using the provisions under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) overstepped the authority granted by the Act. The ruling did not consider the current conditions in the US to be a 'state of emergency,' which is needed to invoke IEEPA, to be convincing nor the use of tariffs to address it. Tariffs could be imposed, if the government so desired, but via the other options at its disposal. Not IEEPA. A federal appeals court granted the government a stay on the order and is slated to begin hearing arguments on the appeal on July 31. All the universal, reciprocal, and fentanyl-related tariffs are based on IEEPA. The tariffs unaffected are the Section 301 tariffs on China imposed under Trump 1.0 and extended by the Biden administration, and the global sectoral tariffs on aluminum, autos and auto parts, copper, and steel that were imposed under Section 232. It is unclear how the appeals court will rule. But regardless of the decision, either party is likely to move the case to the Supreme Court. If the tariffs under IEEPA are eventually disallowed by the US Supreme Court, the government will shift to other options. Tariffs are central to this administration's economic agenda and will thus be pursued. Unlike those under IEEPA, the tariffs under the other options are more cumbersome, limited in scope, and significantly more resource intensive. But they can be implemented in a compressed time frame if the administration so desires. A potential sequence of such actions could be the following. Use Section 122 to impose tariffs of 15 per cent for 150 days on all countries (justified to address balance of payments needs or to prevent a significant depreciation of the dollar). At the same time, ratchet up the tariffs on China that were imposed under Section 301 in Trade War 1.0 by both the Trump and Biden administrations. Keep tariffs on steel and aluminum at 50 per cent (as on copper) and raise that on autos from 25 per cent to 50 per cent. Hasten the ongoing Section 232 (sector specific on grounds on national economic security) investigations into semiconductors, pharmaceuticals, and lumber to bring these under the tariff net of 25 per cent – 50 per cent. Use Section 338 to impose tariffs on countries that are deemed to discriminate specifically against US commercial interests (such as digital services taxes by Australia, the EU, Canada, India, and others, although the taxes are imposed on other countries too). Complete Section 301 investigations on large trading partners (some are ongoing, for example, on the EU and Brazil). These investigations are resource intensive as they need to first identify the specific policy of a trading partner that is the basis of 'unfair competition 'and then quantify the 'harm' that such policies impose on US consumers for each product and for each country. The tariff rate needs to be commensurate with the harm caused and, thus, differ, from product to product for each country. Finally, roll all tariffs under Sections 301 and 232. As one can imagine, this is an arduous and uncertain process. However, the direction of travel is more certain — the average effective tariff rate is likely to settle close to 20 per cent. Needless to say, the country- and product-specific impact of Sections 301 and 232 tariffs could be vastly different than under IEEPA. Markets so far have largely shrugged off the announced new tariffs. This is understandable given the quick deescalation after the strong market and corporate reaction to the Liberation Day tariffs; the possibility that the August 1 deadline is postponed; and the eventual negotiated tariff rates could be different from those announced. However, a court ruling on IEEPA could well turn both the August 1 deadline and the trade deals moot, including potentially that with India. If the basis of these deals, that is, IEEPA, is no longer admissible, then we are headed for renegotiations with tariffs under sections 301 and 232. These could be starkly different than those that are being negotiated now. The uncertainty around US tariffs will not be over after August 1, even with signed trade deals. US courts might well upset the best laid plans of mice and men. Continued uncertainty is the only certainty. The writer is Chief Emerging Markets Economist, J P Morgan. Views are personal

Express View on trade pacts and agriculture: Carry forward the momentum
Express View on trade pacts and agriculture: Carry forward the momentum

Indian Express

time24 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Express View on trade pacts and agriculture: Carry forward the momentum

Now that the India-UK Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) has been sealed, the focus shifts to the more challenging deal with the US. A major stumbling block to inking even an interim free trade agreement before US President Donald Trump's August 1 deadline — to either sign or face so-called reciprocal tariffs of up to 26 per cent — is agriculture. India does not want to open up its market for American soyabean, corn (maize), ethanol and dairy products. What this defensive stance misses is the potential loss from the fact that India's agricultural exports to the US, at $6.2 billion in 2024, exceeded its imports of $2.4 billion. A 26 per cent tariff will definitely hurt Indian seafood exports to the US that alone was valued at $2.5 billion. That loss would be a gain for the likes of Ecuador and Chile, slapped with only the 10 per cent baseline tariff. On the other hand, the fear of US farm imports is more about perception than reality. Take dairy, where the US isn't as big an exporter of milk powder, butter and cheese as New Zealand and the European Union. Or soyabean, where India imported over $5 billion worth of its oil during 2024-25. The bulk of that was from Argentina and Brazil, with the US share at just $126.3 million. The US is, no doubt, cost competitive in corn and the world's biggest producer as well as exporter. But corn is basically a feed grain, also increasingly being used as a biofuel feedstock. Allowing imports would benefit India's dairy and poultry farmers grappling with rising feed costs, aggravated by the diversion of corn for fuel ethanol production. The sheer demand growth makes corn imports by India inevitable, whether from the US or elsewhere. India needs a farm trade policy based not on import protection, but expanding and diversifying its exports. That happened during 2003-04 to 2013-14, when the country's agriculture exports soared from $7.5 billion to $43.3 billion and new markets were created in products from basmati rice and buffalo meat to frozen shrimps, guar gum meal, chilly and seed spices. Since then, exports have hardly grown to about $52 billion in 2024-25. Even worse have been shipment curbs — on rice, wheat, sugar or onion — clamped at the slightest indication of domestic supply shortfalls. CETA has been a refreshing departure, with India successfully negotiating duty-free access for its exports of seafood, processed foods, spices, fruit and vegetables to the UK, while simultaneously offering to cut tariffs on imports of whisky, chocolates, soft drinks and salmon from the latter. A similar confident approach of export proactiveness rather than import defensiveness is required in deals with other countries — the US included.

Gold dips ₹10 to ₹99,920; silver down by ₹100, trading at ₹1,15,900
Gold dips ₹10 to ₹99,920; silver down by ₹100, trading at ₹1,15,900

Business Standard

time24 minutes ago

  • Business Standard

Gold dips ₹10 to ₹99,920; silver down by ₹100, trading at ₹1,15,900

Gold Price Today: The price of 24-carat gold dipped ₹10 in early trade on Monday, with ten grams of the precious metal trading at ₹99,920, according to the GoodReturns website. The price of silver fell ₹100, with one kilogram of the precious metal selling at ₹1,15,900. The price of 22-carat gold also decreased by ₹10, with ten grams of the yellow metal selling at ₹91,590. The price of ten grams of 24-carat gold in Mumbai, Kolkata, and Chennai stood at ₹99,920. In Delhi, the price of ten grams of 24-carat gold stood at ₹1,00,070. In Mumbai, the price of ten grams of 22-carat gold is in line with that of Kolkata, Bengaluru, Chennai, and Hyderabad at ₹91,590. In Delhi, the price of ten grams of 22-carat gold stood at ₹91,740. The price of one kilogram of silver in Delhi, Kolkata, and Mumbai stood at ₹1,15,900. The price of one kilogram of silver in Chennai stood at ₹1,25,900. US gold prices fell on Monday to their lowest in nearly two weeks, as a framework trade agreement between the United States and European Union reduced appetite for safe-haven assets. Spot gold was down 0.1 per cent at $3,332.39 per ounce, as of 0020 GMT, after touching its lowest level since July 17. US gold futures edged 0.1 per cent lower to $3,332.50. The Federal Reserve is widely expected to leave its benchmark interest rate in the 4.25 per cent-4.50 per cent range at the conclusion of a two-day policy meeting on Wednesday. Fed Chair Jerome Powell has indicated the central bank should wait for further economic data before making any rate adjustments. Spot silver was up 0.1 per cent at $38.17 per ounce, while platinum gained 0.9 per cent to $1,413.50 and palladium rose 0.5 per cent to $1,225.25.

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