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EBRD cuts regional economic outlook as geopolitical tensions linger

EBRD cuts regional economic outlook as geopolitical tensions linger

Yahoo13-05-2025
The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) slashed its regional economic forecast for this year by 0.2%, compared to its February 2025 outlook, in its latest Regional Economic Prospects report launched on Tuesday.
The bank now expects growth in the EBRD regions to be about 3% in 2025, before edging up marginally to 3.4% in 2026.
This downbeat forecast is mainly due to the impact of tariff increases and ongoing geopolitical uncertainty on supply chains and trade. Lagging external demand has also had an impact on this outlook.
Strong domestic demand, loose fiscal policies and robust nominal wage growth are also boosting inflation in the EBRD regions. Following a drop to 5.3% in September 2024, average inflation rose to 6.1% in February this year.
Average debt in the EBRD regions is likely to stay more or less the same, at about 52% of gross domestic product (GDP) over the next four years. This outlook however assumes that governments will announce more stringent fiscal policies, which should also include increased industrial policies, defence and interest payments spending, while some expenditure areas see cuts.
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US tariffs have the potential to impact global supply chains, especially in key European economies such as Germany. However, trade diversion, especially through countries with relatively lower tariffs could help offset and distribute the impact of higher US tariffs.
According to the EBRD, 'the average effective US tariff on imports from the Bank's regions is estimated to surge from 1.8 per cent in 2024 to 10.5 per cent, assuming unchanged composition of exports.'
Beata Javorcik, the EBRD's chief economist, said in a press release: 'Although understanding the full macroeconomic effects of the newly announced tariffs will take time, it is already clear that our regions have entered a period of heightened uncertainty and slower growth.
'Reducing trade tensions through constructive dialogue and achieving consensus on trade policy among key stakeholders are crucial, as prolonged uncertainty carries painful economic costs.'
The Western Balkans, Baltic states and central Europe are expected to see the largest reductions in growth, according to the EBRD.
The Western Balkans' GDP is likely to be 3.2% in 2025, before edging up slightly to 3.4% next year, primarily because of Serbian political turmoil as well as spillover effects from decreased growth in more advanced Western European economies.
Serbia, North Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro are likely to be some of the most affected Western Balkans countries this year.
Economic growth for central Europe and the Baltic states is likely to be 2.4% this year, and 2.7% in 2026. This is mainly because of the effect of new tariffs and slower external demand, especially from Germany, as well as higher global policy uncertainty.
The Slovak Republic, Estonia and Hungary are expected to be the most hit, experiencing the sharpest downward revisions from the EBRD's February 2025 forecasts.
Coming to southeastern EU economies, GDP is expected to rise to 2% in 2025, which would be an increase from the 1.6% seen in 2024, but would still be less than earlier forecasts. This rebound is mainly expected to be driven by Bulgarian demand. In 2026, GDP is expected to be 2.4%.
This year, Central Asian economic growth is likely to decrease to 5.5%, with a further drop to 5.2% expected for 2026. Declining commodity prices are likely to subdue economic growth for Mongolia and Kazakhstan.
Southern and eastern Mediterranean economic growth could be 3.6% this year, before rising slightly to 3.9% in 2026.
Turkey's GDP is expected to fall from 3.2% last year to 2.8% this year, mainly because of tighter-than-anticipated monetary policy and slower external and domestic demand. However, economic growth is likely to bounce back to 3.5% in 2026.
GDP is likely to be 3.5% in 2025 in eastern Europe and the Caucasus, before surging to 4.3% in 2026, although ongoing damage to Ukrainian energy infrastructure and weaker EU demand is likely to dampen Moldova and Ukraine's outlook.
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AI-Powered VoIP and Global eSIMs: How Fabrizio Guerra is Shaping the Future of Business Communication
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time38 minutes ago

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AI-Powered VoIP and Global eSIMs: How Fabrizio Guerra is Shaping the Future of Business Communication

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How a shrunken piece of bread explains Bolivia's economic catastrophe ahead of elections
How a shrunken piece of bread explains Bolivia's economic catastrophe ahead of elections

Los Angeles Times

timean hour ago

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LA PAZ, Bolivia — Juan de Dios Castillo, covered in flour and sweat, pulled a crisp roll from the cooling rack and weighed it on an old metal scale: 2 ounces. That's barely half what it would have been two years ago. Unlike American or European shoppers scrutinizing suspiciously capacious chip bags, Bolivians have no doubt that they're paying the same government-fixed price for a much smaller, lower-quality loaf. For years, you could walk into a government-subsidized bakery like Castillo's anywhere in Bolivia and get a 3.5 ounce roll for 50 centavos (7 U.S. cents), but as a cash crunch cripples flour imports and inflation squeezes budgets, bakers have almost halved the size of their staple bread. Early last year, rolls shrank to 80 grams, then 70, now 60. 'It's like eating a bit of air, a Communion wafer, it doesn't fill you up anymore,' said Rosario Manuelo Chura, 40, dipping some crust into her morning coffee in Bolivia's administrative capital of La Paz. Castillo isn't particularly pleased about it either. Forced to sell his bread far below market price, he's barely breaking even. 'This situation is not sustainable,' he said, slamming the oven door open. Bolivia's many harbingers of havoc ahead of its presidential election on Sunday seem to converge in this shrunken piece of subsidized bread that La Paz residents call 'pan de batalla' — 'battle bread.' The hallowed staple speaks to a state stuck in the past after 20 years under the state-directed economic model of ex-leader Evo Morales, and now struggling to pull itself out of its worst economic crisis in four decades. The right-wing frontrunners, businessman Samuel Doria Medina and former President Jorge 'Tuto' Quiroga, have proposed eliminating the politically combustible subsidies that underwrite Bolivia's social safety net. 'I say this openly, I'll remove subsidies because they're the greatest absurdity,' Doria Medina told The Associated Press this month, referring to the fuel that Bolivia subsidizes to the tune of billions of dollars a year. Legend has it that the battle bread earned its nickname from troop rations in the country's Chaco War against Paraguay in the 1930s. Today, a battle over bread rages within Bolivia, which is running out of hard currency to import wheat because the country grows less than 25% of what it consumes. Struggling to clear a backlog of imports, the government has slowed or in some cases suspended subsidized flour deliveries. Loaves have vanished from shelves and bread lines have started to appear across La Paz. The scarcity of U.S. dollars has also hampered diesel fuel imports, leading to fuel shortages and raising questions about the ability of import-dependent Bolivia to keep subsidizing its staples. Not only do farmers use diesel fuel to power machinery for irrigation, but diesel fuel also contributes to the price of imported foodstuffs. Some two years ago Bolivia had a lower annual inflation rate than Germany. Today it has among the region's highest, with the government reporting consumer prices rose 25% in July from a year earlier. But the price of bread hasn't changed in 17 years. Bolivia imports most of its wheat from Argentina, where prices have increased — along with the value of the Argentine peso — under libertarian President Javier Milei. Bolivia's grain agency, EMAPA, distributes the subsidized flour to bakers at a fixed price while requiring them to sell battle bread for 50 centavos a loaf — about a fifth of what it would cost to bake the same loaf with ingredients bought at retail prices. As the prices of other ingredients climb, many government-subsidized bakeries warn that they are facing bankruptcy. Scores of bakers last month staged a 24-hour strike demanding to sell their bread at market prices. But a quick scan of history from the 1789 French Revolution to 1989 Venezuelan riots underscores why Morales' Movement Toward Socialism party, or MAS, hasn't dared tinker with the agreement. 'When the price of battle bread goes up, that's the day everything collapses,' said Jacobo Choque, 40, an accountant waiting to buy bread rich in butter from a non-subsidized bakery. The line of Bolivians keen to shell out an extra 20 centavos for better-tasting, thicker rolls stretched almost two city blocks. Nearby, cash-strapped customers scoured an open-air market, swarming around one of the few stalls selling battle bread. 'We used to have breakfast with one roll, but now we need two to feel full,' said Carmen Muñoz, 65, fuming as she queued. 'Let's not forget that socialism brought us here.' When commodity prices surged in 2007, Morales, a coca-farming union leader elected the year before to his first of what would be three terms, harnessed revenues from booming natural gas exports to bankroll subsidies for bread and other essentials. But as gas production plummeted about a decade later, MAS dipped into foreign reserves to keep spending. The model became ruinously costly — last year's food and fuel subsidies made up over 4.2% of gross domestic product. With the government unable to pay suppliers on time and trucks trapped in fuel lines, EMAPA's monthly deliveries of milled wheat have hit snags, leaving subsidized bakeries suddenly without flour. Even as bakers eat into their savings to buy other ingredients, the subsidy agreement bars them from sourcing their own flour. 'Rather than helping, subsidies are hurting us,' Castillo said. Some bakers say that EMAPA — long accused of favoring MAS party members — has stopped supplying altogether. EMAPA denies cronyism, saying it has ramped up investigations into reports of bakers reselling subsidized flour at inflated prices on the black market, or trying to pass off rolls baked with low-cost additives like cassava starch. 'In all my 30 years at this market, this is the most stressful,' said Raquel de Quino, a 60-year-old bread vendor who now spends her mornings confronting customers outraged over the shrinkflation and shortages. On Saturday, she asked one angry woman to take her rant to the government — at least for its final week in power. 'I'm just the middleman,' said De Quino, throwing up her hands in exasperation. 'Let's pray to God that under the next government, there will bread for our children.' Debre and Flores write for the Associated Press.

EU clears €4.1bn Just Eat takeover but prevents food delivery mega-merger
EU clears €4.1bn Just Eat takeover but prevents food delivery mega-merger

Yahoo

timean hour ago

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The European Commission has approved the €4.1 billion acquisition of Just Eat (JET) by Naspers, through its investment arm Prosus, after the technology group agreed to take concrete steps to reduce its influence in Europe's food delivery market. Prosus already holds a significant minority stake in Delivery Hero—one of the largest food delivery companies in Austria, Bulgaria, Italy, Poland and Spain—which operates popular brands such as Glovo, Foodora, and efood. The Commission said the measures were necessary to prevent Naspers from having significant sway over two of the sector's largest competitors, which could weaken competition and harm consumers. "To address the Commission's concerns, Naspers offered to significantly reduce its shareholding in Delivery Hero, below a specified very low percentage, within 12 months and to implement a set of additional commitments," the EU body said in a statement. "The Commission has the duty to assess mergers and acquisitions involving companies with a turnover above certain thresholds," the statement continued. Why is this important? In June 2025, the European Commission fined Delivery Hero and Glovo €329 million for operating a cartel—a high market concentration that lets them agree to drive up prices while not improving services—in the food delivery sector. That case reinforced regulators' concerns that without strict safeguards, large players may coordinate markets for profit instead of competing with both prices and quality. Related Chipmakers Nvidia and AMD to pay 15% of China revenue to US government Greek ban on ATM charges and limits on other banking fees comes into force today Just Eat runs familiar delivery platforms regularly used in Europe, such as Just Eat, Lieferando and others. Between them, these companies would control a significant slice of Europe's meal delivery market, which means most restaurants and customers would have limited alternatives. The European online food delivery market is worth tens of billions annually and has grown rapidly since the pandemic, making it a critical part of urban economies. This market has few big players, so any merger or ownership overlap can have an outsized impact on prices, restaurant commission rates and courier pay. The €329 million fine against Delivery Hero and Glovo in June 2025 proves that colluding within the market is not a theoretical risk and that European regulators have already caught major players gaming the market to limit competition. The deal is particularly notable as it is unusual for the Commission to demand a major sell-off of shares in another company or existing asset during a Phase I review, as it did on Monday. This signals that Brussels is taking a harder line on digital platform consolidation, especially in markets where just two or three players dominate across the bloc.

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