
Government ‘under no obligation' to intervene in Telegraph sale
Lisa Nandy, the culture secretary, has said that she is under no legal obligation to intervene in an Abu Dhabi-led sale of The Telegraph despite protestations from members of the House of Lords.
Nandy stated that she had no 'reasonable grounds' for believing an Abu Dhabi joint venture was poised to seize control of the title and therefore did not have a duty to issue a legal notice under laws barring foreign state ownership of UK media outlets.
RedBird IMI, a joint venture part-funded by an Emirati royal, is seeking to sell The Telegraph after its bid to convert debt secured against the title into equity was blocked by a new ban on foreign state owners in March last year.
• Telegraph sale in limbo
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Times
an hour ago
- Times
The state spends £24,000 a year for every adult. Something's got to give
It's amazing how things change. Just a few months ago Rachel Reeves told us the financial situation was so grim she had no choice but to take the winter fuel payment from all but the poorest pensioners. And now, thanks to Labour, it's all going so well she can afford to give it back. That was, of course, a lie. But it wasn't the big lie. No, the big lie was that the spending review bore any relation to what we will actually spend. The traditional recipe for political success is simple: scrimp, then splurge. Get the pain out of the way after the election, so you can splash out before the next one. • Jobs market is flashing a warning sign to Rachel Reeves That's not the approach Reeves took. She wanted to show she was ending austerity (such as it was). But the finances were desperately tight. Her solution, apart from raising taxes, was to frontload her spending increases and hope something turned up. The result is a spending profile that resembles a child playing a violin: sharp, then flat. Between 2025-26 and 2028-29, day-to-day departmental spending is to rise from £518 billion to £568 billion. Factoring in inflation, that means budgets in the last two years of the parliament will grow by just 1 per cent a year — and far less for most departments, since the overall figure includes 3 per cent a year for the NHS (which is getting more than half of all the extra cash). Will Labour really go into the election amid more 'Tory austerity'? Well, no. It'll want to spend more. Or need to: Reeves's ferociously tight numbers leave no room for downturns, pay strikes, trade wars or shooting wars. Her plans also depend on £14 billion in hazily detailed 'efficiency savings'. And the hoped-for bailout via a mid-term growth bonanza is less likely than ever. But here's the paradox. From the perspective of the Labour Party, most of those working in public services and her own electoral prospects, Reeves isn't spending nearly enough. But from another perspective, the chancellor is spending far, far too much. Public spending is running at 44 per cent of GDP, a historic high. Taxes, too, are historically high, and universally expected to go higher. Not only have we been spending like crazy, not least because of the pandemic, but we've been spending money we don't have — resulting in an annual bill of more than £100 billion just to cover the interest on our debts. These numbers can be hard to put into context. So our team at the Centre for Policy Studies think tank has come up with a different way of looking at it. We estimate that we are now spending £23,757 for every adult in this country: roughly two thirds of the average full-time salary of £37,500. That includes £3,807 on health, £5,817 on welfare and pensions and a shocking £1,955 for that debt bill. Restrict the calculation to those of working age, and spending is north of £30,000 a head. Factor in economic inactivity, and the state is almost certainly spending more than every worker aged 18 to 65 is earning. This is very obviously not sustainable. So how to square the circle? Given the position we're in, shaving departmental budgets just won't cut it, especially when the chancellor claims to have already ruthlessly reviewed every pound they spend (yet somehow set them all the same target for efficiency savings). We need to accept instead that government cannot actually do all the things it tries to. But we already know how hard that will be. If ministers are going to U-turn on the winter fuel payment and wobble on a set of welfare reforms that barely slow, let alone halt, the rise in disability and incapacity spending, how can they possibly tackle issues like the triple lock, social care or special educational needs and disability (Send) costs for councils? That's before even mentioning the NHS. So here are a couple of heretical thoughts. The first is that rather than guaranteeing the level of any individual benefit, we should think in terms of total spend. Let's say we decide that we can only afford to devote 1.5 per cent of GDP to a particular benefit. If more people claim, the totals go down. If people want more cash, they either have to dob in the fraudsters or accept the kinds of policy likely to swell GDP. A gentler version would be to keep benefits from falling, but ensure that they increase only when we can actually afford it. Revolutionary, I know. The second idea is more fundamental: to accept that government cannot actually move the economic needle. If you were listening to the spending review, you would have heard pledge after pledge: billions spent on this, billions on that. But that is not how you get the economy growing. You do that by creating the conditions for individuals and businesses to boost it for you. This may sound like Thatcherite dogma. But it's simple maths. Investment in the UK is roughly 18 per cent of GDP. But the state is responsible for perhaps a sixth of that. Hence Reeves's talk of 'co-investment': using small amounts of state funding to leverage much larger private sums. Or let's look at affordable housing, one of the few areas that did get some cash at the spending review. The government is promising an extra £39 billion over ten years. That's useful. But housebuilders knocked up £46 billion in private sector housing in just the past year — a pretty slow year, at point is that even small increases, or falls, in private sector activity have a far larger impact on the economy, and balance sheet, than the endless initiatives that pour forth from government. Which is precisely why Reeves's jobs tax was so damaging. Generating those increases, or falls, often isn't about money, but common sense. On housebuilding, for example, our system is based on local plans set out by councils. But loads of councils don't have plans in place. And Labour has embarked on a massive local government reorganisation that will delay their publication still further, dooming any hope of hitting its housing targets. It may be anathema to many on the Labour benches, but if the government is to have any hope of avoiding tax rises not just this autumn but for years to come, it needs to do what it finds hardest: clear the obstacles and let the private sector get on with it. The temptation, instead, will be to hammer work, wealth and business one more time. Which will of course make the task facing the chancellor even harder.


Daily Mail
2 hours ago
- Daily Mail
Labour to force academies to take thousands of violent and disruptive pupils permanently excluded from other schools
Ministers are pushing through new laws to fast-track the admission of violent and disruptive pupils into academy schools. In the latest attempt by Labour to clip the wings of academies, which are designed to be free of local authority control, schools would be directed by councils to take thousands of pupils permanently excluded for physical violence or threatening to use an offensive weapon. Currently, they have the power to do so only if the Education Secretary rules on their behalf. The attacks on the academies by Left-wing Education Secretary Bridget Phillipson has dismayed moderates within the party, who believe schools are more likely to flourish if headteachers are given the freedom to run them. The School Bill would force academies to follow the national curriculum and constrain their autonomy. Until now, the academies have had the freedom to refuse a pupil assigned by a local authority if they think it would undermine the safety or learning of other children at the school. In the latest attempt by Labour to clip the wings of academies, which are designed to be free of local authority control, schools would be directed by councils to take thousands of pupils permanently excluded for physical violence or threatening to use an offensive weapon. Pictured: File photo But under the Bill, councils would be given the power to force admission directly for the 5,000 children excluded for violence every year. Shadow Education Secretary Laura Trott said: 'There have to be consequences for bad behaviour – that's real life. Labour are weak on discipline. 'They've axed behaviour hubs and voted against reporting violence against teachers to the police. 'An inclusion charter puts the needs of one disruptive child above the other 29 who want to learn. It's misguided.' The Department for Education said: 'An academy can already be directed to accept a vulnerable pupil who has been excluded. 'The proposals would simplify this process... The purpose of the measure is to ensure vulnerable children have access to a school place in the rare instances when normal admission processes fail.'


Daily Mail
2 hours ago
- Daily Mail
Keir Starmer plots equality law 'to penalise middle class and privately educated', Tories claim
Sir Keir Starmer is preparing to put 'class war' on the statute book by introducing an equality law which will discriminate against the middle classes and privately educated, the Tories claim. A consultation document published by Equalities Minister Bridget Phillipson reveals that the Office for Equality and Opportunity is seeking evidence on how to 'commence the socio-economic duty in the Equality Act 2010'. This requires public authorities to give 'due regard' to disparities of income and socio-economic status when making decisions. Tories argue this will lead to more cases like that highlighted in last week's The Mail on Sunday, revealing a mother's fury at 'shocking discrimination' by the NHS, denying her son vital treatment because he goes to a west London private school. The Government has already introduced a punishing 20 per cent VAT hike on private school fees. The Equality Act was pushed through by the last Labour Government but the crucial section on socio-economic duty was vetoed by the Tories when they took power after the 2010 election. Labour pledged in its 2024 manifesto to revive the provision to extend equality laws covering race, age, gender, disability and sexuality to include 'the inequality of social class'. It would entitle public bodies to make spending decisions that penalise middle class areas by diverting funds and opportunities to those deemed less privileged. It has raised the prospect of fewer bin collections, library closures and council tax hikes in richer areas. The Office for Equality and Opportunity paper reads: 'The socio-economic duty requires specified public authorities, when making strategic decisions such as deciding priorities and objectives, to give due regard to how their decisions might help to reduce inequalities associated with socio-economic disadvantage.' A Tory source said: 'In independent education, children will be permanently discriminated against by the wider policy of using socio-economic background to allocate public services, as their choice of school will be used against them by state bodies long into the future.' Shadow Education Secretary Neil O'Brien said: 'Labour's class war law will divide middle England and punish families who work hard and aren't on benefits. 'By enshrining woke identity politics in law, children will be discriminated against based on their postcode and their parents' occupation. 'Families will be marked down when children apply for school or university and face worse public services if they dare to send their children to independent schools. It will create a chilling culture in the public sector that will divide society and undermine equality of opportunity.' But a Labour source said: 'This is more desperate stuff from a Tory party sliding into irrelevance. It's more than a bit rich for the Conservatives to complain about socio- economic duty when Tory councils across the country have voluntarily applied it. 'Tories used to care about levelling up the neglected parts of this country and their public services that the socio-economic duty is designed to improve – they have nothing to offer.'