Malaysia urged to intervene in Pannir Selvam's execution for drugs in Singapore
Lawmakers in Kuala Lumpur have urged the government to intervene as time runs out for convicted Malaysian Pannir Selvam, who will be executed in Singapore on Thursday for smuggling around 50 grams of heroin into the city state.
Pannir, 30, was sentenced to death in 2017 for importing diamorphine – a potent opioid known as medical heroin – into Singapore in 2014.
The defence has argued that Pannir was a drug courier and not a trafficker. According to Malaysian lawmakers, Pannir had assisted Singapore authorities, which led to the arrest of a Malaysian recruiter for the drug operation.
Singapore's authorities did not issue Pannir a certificate of substantial assistance. If such a certificate is issued to an accused person facing a capital offence after the person has been determined to be a 'courier' and provided substantive assistance, the court has the discretion to sentence the person to life imprisonment with, where applicable, caning.
Singapore has a zero-tolerance approach to drug trafficking, a deterrent the city state says has resulted in it having a fraction of drug use issues which beset other Southeast Asian nations.
Calls for Malaysia's government to urge Singapore to grant leniency to Pannir have mounted in the past few days.
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Asia Times
3 days ago
- Asia Times
The tiny Philippine island denying and defying China at sea
LIKAS ISLAND – Philippine Marine Private John Lloyd Lobendino scanned the deep blue waters surrounding Likas, a tiny speck of an island in the West Philippines Sea, while rubber boats carrying visitors from the BRP Andres Bonifacio landed on the pristine beach. While other 21-year-olds are busy with other young adult pursuits, Lobendino went about his task with a seriousness normally associated with veterans who have seen terrible wars waged and blood spilled in the name of national patrimony. Like many of his fellow soldiers assigned to this remote and lonely outpost, Lobendino says he is willing to fight to the end. 'Because this is ours,' he said quietly when asked by Asia Times, which joined a recent maritime patrol operation in the South China Sea to check on the area ahead of the Philippines' Independence Day this week (June 12) He was accompanied by a fellow marine who was also in his 20s. He wore a pair of shades to protect his eyes from the sun's glare that intensely reflected the stretch of fine white sand of Likas (West York Island), the second-largest of the nine Philippine-controlled features in the disputed Spratly island chain. The military took journalists for the first time in patrolling the West Philippine Sea, the name the Southeast Asian country uses to refer to areas in the South China Sea that are within its jurisdiction. A crew member aboard the Philippine Navy's BRP Andres Bonifacio scans the horizon as the ship embarks on a maritime patrol of Manila-controlled areas in the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea) on June 5, 2025. Picture: Jason Gutierrez Regularly, troops among the claimants are often in the background, preferring their respective coast guards – which are technically civilian in nature – to patrol the disputed sea lest a sudden miscalculation triggers outright hostility. But the mission is meant to assert the Philippines' sovereignty and sovereign rights over the waters amid an increasingly assertive China that rejected a 2016 arbitral ruling by an international court in The Hague, which invalidated Beijing's expansive nine-dash line claims in the region. That case was brought by the Philippines, a long-time military ally of the United States and the most vocal Southeast Asian region that has stood up to China in the contested maritime area. The patrol is part of the government's 'transparency initiative' to show the public that the distant shores are vital to the country's interests. Visitors to the island are greeted by weather-beaten green signage that welcomes them to the naval detachment. In the postcard-perfect background, a Philippine flag flutters in the gentle wind. Written on a fading-green board is a reminder of PD 1596, a presidential decree signed in 1978 that formally recognized Likas as part of the Kalayaan island group in the country's map. The 18-hectare island is home to a rotating number of Marines tasked with guarding the paradise island in the middle of the ocean and watched by the People's Liberation Army Navy forces backed by their coast guard and a fleet of militia vessels posing as fishermen. Last year, a Filipino soldier was wounded when China Coast Guard men armed with pikes and machetes violently seized firearms from Filipino supply boats near the Second Thomas (Ayungin) Shoal, called Ren'ai Jiao by Beijing, in another part of the disputed sea. An armed soldier guards the coast of Pag-Asa Island in the West Philippine Sea. Picture: Jason Gutierrez The United States has repeatedly said it is prepared to step in if Manila invoked a 1951 treaty that calls on both sides to defend each other in times of outside aggression, a scenario that could trigger a larger conflict. For now, cooler heads are prevailing despite China's provocations. For corpsman Ibasco, who was recently transferred to the Likas detachment, there was no time to think before he shipped out from home. 'To us, it is a privilege to serve,' said Ibasco, who did not want to give out his first name citing the sensitivity of his post. He said he took his mission to heart, though time can be an adversary. To break the monotony, he swims in the morning and catches fish 'because our provisions are all preserved food.' While a satellite connection allows him to connect with his wife and young daughter at times, much of his free time is spent on self-reflection. Veteran combatant Technical Sergeant Nino Calbog, who has seen action in the strife-torn southern Philippine region against homegrown insurgents, said it was an honor to be on the ground protecting the country from foreign aggressors. A father of two, he said his service is for the country and family. 'I always tell them that my job as a soldier is for them. It is difficult for a soldier to be away from family, but my wife is there explaining to them why I need to be away for three months,' he said. There is an improvised basketball court, where the men shoot hoops beside a garden patch, while two goats roam in the back. They can be slaughtered for food but are considered more like pets. Philippine soldiers hooping in their spare time on the island, June 5, 2025. Photo: Jason Gutierrez Power is provided by a generator and solar generators, although it can be pitch black at night here. Drinking water, however, is shipped on regular resupply missions or is collected through rainfall. 'Our flag is always waving because this island is ours,' said Naval Task Force 42 chief Colonel Joel Bonavente. 'It symbolizes that our troops are here to always guard and defend our territory in the West Philippine Sea.' Isolation, he said, could be the biggest enemy for some, but assured that 'the attitude of our soldiers is well adjusted.' 'They are well-motivated and stand ready to defend our territory,' Bonavente said, adding that protocol requires them to challenge anyone who is passing by nearby. Plans to upgrade the 'hospitability of our patrol base' are in the pipeline, he said. Filipino maritime expert Chester Cabalza said frequent military patrols were necessary to further the country's win in the legal battle in the face of the arbitral ruling that China continues to ignore. 'Frequent maritime patrols exercise our right to use, possess and control all resources in the shoal,' he told Asia Times. 'It also increases familiarity to the maritime domain as a means of readiness to the potential disputes amid flashpoints in the contested islands.' More importantly, Cabalza notes, it ensures that military forces are prepared against all 'unauthorized access that would lead to annexation.' 'The government must fulfill its aspiration of a self-reliant defense posture to sustain its massive military and coast guard operations,' he said, pointing out that Japan has also recently ratified a Reciprocal Access Agreement (RAA) that allows its troops to participate in joint drills with the Philippines, similar to the Americans. 'Beijing will feel a pinch of insecurity in view of this because they view the RAA as an impediment to their bigger goals in securing the entirety of the South China Sea,' he asserted. Jason Gutierrez was head of Philippine news at BenarNews, an online news service affiliated with Radio Free Asia (RFA), a Washington-based news organization that covered many under-reported countries in the region. A veteran foreign correspondent, he has also worked with The New York Times and Agence France-Presse (AFP).
Asia Times
04-06-2025
- Asia Times
Anwar's immunity bid fails in rule-of-law test for Malaysia
In a landmark June 4 ruling, Malaysia's High Court denied Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim's controversial attempt to shield himself from civil proceedings by invoking a constitutional mechanism — a move critics say was a veiled attempt at political immunity. The court's rejection of Anwar's bid marks the beginning of a legal confrontation unprecedented in Malaysian history: a sitting prime minister now stands to defend himself in court while governing the nation. The decision arrives on the heels of a motion by Anwar's legal team seeking to refer eight constitutional questions to the Federal Court. These questions, according to the defense, pertained to the burdens placed on the Prime Minister's Office by an ongoing civil suit and were framed not as an immunity plea but as a request for a 'constitutional filter.' Yet the distinction was semantic at best. 'We are not claiming immunity,' Anwar's counsel asserted on June 3. 'We are simply seeking clarity to protect the executive's function.' But the subtext was clear: Anwar wanted out of the dock. The case in question — a civil suit filed by Muhammed Yusoff Rawther alleging sexual misconduct by Anwar — predates Anwar's premiership. The incident allegedly occurred in 2018, and Rawther filed the suit in 2020. Notably, Anwar did not attempt to strike out the suit at any point over the past three years. Only on May 23, 2025 — a staggering 912 days after he assumed office — did he pivot to constitutional arguments. Rawther's lawyer, Muhammad Rafique Rashid Ali, minced no words in court. 'Why did the Prime Minister take 912 days to raise this issue?' he asked. 'If the matter truly affected his ability to discharge executive functions, he should have addressed it long ago.' Rafique also pointed out that Anwar's affidavit failed to provide any reason for the delay — a procedural omission that, in the eyes of many, exposed the real motivation behind the application. More damningly, Rafique invoked Article 8 of the Federal Constitution, which guarantees equal protection under the law. 'No man — not even the Prime Minister — can stand above that,' he said. 'Immunity, whether cloaked as a filter or wrapped in legalese, is still immunity.' Presiding Judge Roz Mawar Rozain dismissed all eight questions as 'untenable, abstract and speculative.' She ruled that the Federal Court need not be burdened with academic hypotheticals. The trial, she affirmed, will proceed as scheduled on June 16, and 20,000 ringgit (US$4,700) in legal costs were awarded to Rawther. Anwar's team immediately sought an urgent stay of the ruling, but it also was dismissed. They now have 30 days to file an appeal to the Court of Appeal, though the countdown to the trial has already begun. In her oral judgment, Roz Mawar made it clear: Articles 39, 40, and 43 of the Constitution — which Anwar's team cited to support their plea — contain no implicit or explicit provision for immunity. The Constitution, she emphasized, enshrines accountability, not executive insulation. Anwar's maneuver has drawn comparisons to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's 2020 attempt to sidestep legal scrutiny. Facing multiple indictments, Netanyahu petitioned the Knesset for parliamentary immunity, claiming the charges were politically motivated. While Israel's system at least provides a legal pathway for such immunity via legislative vote, Malaysia's does not. Anwar's attempt to manufacture a similar buffer through the courts was both bold and, ultimately, unsuccessful. In both cases, the public response was the same: dismay at the spectacle of a sitting prime minister attempting to rewrite the rules mid-game. Anwar's critics say his move reeks of the same hubris — a desperate attempt to evade moral reckoning while cloaked in constitutional garb. For a man who once stood as the face of Reformasi, the optics are devastating. Here is Anwar — long celebrated as a martyr of political injustice, imprisoned under Mahathir Mohamad's authoritarian regime — now attempting to insulate himself from due process using the very levers of power he once opposed. This isn't Anwar's first brush with accusations of overreach. His 1999 conviction for abuse of power — widely seen as politically charged — is now being unearthed in conversations across social media and political circles alike. History, as they say, echoes. The parallel doesn't stop there. Like Thailand's Thaksin Shinawatra — another leader accused of self-enrichment and later pardoned — Anwar has blurred the lines between public service and political dynasty. His appointment of Thaksin as ASEAN adviser and his own daughter Nurul Izzah as Deputy President of the PKR have raised questions about nepotism and political insulation, further damaging his image as a reformer. Conversely, Rawther's credibility has only been strengthened by this legal victory. He has, for years, insisted that his pursuit of justice is not politically motivated. The June 4 ruling — which affirms the legitimacy of his claim and the court's commitment to due process — lends weight to that assertion. In a political landscape often defined by backroom deals and unaccountable elites, Rawther has emerged as a symbol of perseverance — a private citizen holding the nation's most powerful man to legal scrutiny. This verdict could well reshape how Malaysia is seen on the regional stage. As the country currently chairing ASEAN, the world is watching. The failure of Anwar's immunity gambit is a litmus test of Malaysia's democratic maturity. What signal would it have sent if a sitting Prime Minister could so easily erect a legal wall around himself? The judiciary, by rejecting this narrative, has reaffirmed Malaysia's commitment to constitutional supremacy and rule of law. In Rafique's words outside the court, 'This ruling ensures that in Malaysia, no executive, no prime Minister, no monarch can place himself above the people.' This episode will linger in the nation's political memory — not just for what it reveals about Anwar's instincts, but for what it says about the resilience of Malaysia's institutions. The prime minister now finds himself in uncharted territory: governing while on trial, a dual burden with no modern precedent in Malaysia. Anwar once said, 'Justice is the soul of governance.' It remains to be seen whether he will honor that creed — or be judged by it.
RTHK
02-06-2025
- RTHK
Cambodia to lodge ICJ complaint on fatal border clash
Cambodia to lodge ICJ complaint on fatal border clash Cambodian army commander Mao Sophan, left, listens as his Royal Thai Army counterpart, Pana Klaewplodthuk, gives Bangkok's account of Wednesday's clash at the Chong Chom border crossing. Photo: AFP Cambodia will file a complaint with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) over border disputes with Thailand, Prime Minister Hun Manet said on Monday, after a Cambodian soldier was killed in a recent frontier clash. "Cambodia hopes that the Thai side will agree with Cambodia to jointly bring these issues to the International Court of Justice... to prevent armed confrontation again over border uncertainty," Hun Manet said during a meeting between MPs and senators. Military clashes between the Southeast Asian neighbours erupted in 2008 and have led to several years of sporadic violence, resulting in at least 28 deaths. The most recent occurred on Wednesday, when a Cambodian soldier was killed in a location known as the Emerald Triangle – a joint border area between Cambodia, Thailand and Laos. The day after, Cambodia's foreign ministry sent a letter to the Thai embassy in Phnom Penh demanding "an immediate and thorough investigation" into the "unprovoked attack". Describing the incident as "a violation of Cambodian sovereignty", Phnom Penh said it remained committed to resolving the issue through "peaceful and diplomatic avenues". Prime Minister Hun Manet said that even if the Thai side did not agree on bringing the issue to the ICJ, Cambodia would still file the complaint. He added that the border dispute was being "incited by small extremist groups in both countries", which could lead to further clashes. Cambodia's military had said they were attacked first in Wednesday's incident, while the Thai side said their soldiers were responding to gunshots. The Thai and Cambodian militaries met the following day, agreeing to ease tensions. Thailand says a Joint Boundary Committee will meet in the next two weeks to resolve the issue. The Emerald Triangle is among the areas that will be named in the ICJ complaint, Hun Manet said. Another is Ta Moan Thom Temple, the backdrop for a video posted on social media this year showing a woman singing a patriotic Khmer song that led to Bangkok lodging a formal protest with Phnom Penh. Cambodia and Thailand have long been at odds over their more than 800-kilometre-long border, which was largely drawn during the French occupation of Indochina. The 2008 military clashes erupted over a patch of land next to Preah Vihear Temple, a 900-year-old structure near their shared border. This led to several years of sporadic violence before the International Court of Justice ruled the disputed area belonged to Cambodia. (AFP)
