logo
How the Russia-Ukraine conflict also became a cultural war

How the Russia-Ukraine conflict also became a cultural war

Indian Express14-05-2025
— Mohammad Asim Siddiqui
(The Indian Express has launched a new series of articles for UPSC aspirants written by seasoned writers and scholars on issues and concepts spanning History, Polity, International Relations, Art, Culture and Heritage, Environment, Geography, Science and Technology, and so on. Read and reflect with subject experts and boost your chance of cracking the much-coveted UPSC CSE. In the following article, Mohammad Asim Siddiqui engages with literary depiction of Victory Day in Russia and Ukraine.)
'Born in Ukraine, made famous in Russia, [Nikolai] Gogol embodies both the ties that bind the two countries and the differences that set them apart.' These lines about literary figure Nikolai Gogol—born in Ukraine (then part of the Russian Empire) and widely regarded as one of the most important writers in the Russian literary canon—highlight how literature offers a lens to look at the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict and understand its deeper political, historical, and emotional undercurrents.
For instance, works on Victory Day and World War II by many Russian and Ukrainian writers and poets provide insights into the construction of collective memory, contestation around national identities, and, most importantly, the processing of historical events across generations. But before delving into the literary portrayals of these key events, let us first briefly understand the significance of Victory Day and how it is remembered differently in Russia and Ukraine.
On May 9 every year, Russia celebrates Victory Day to mark the Soviet Union's victory over Nazi Germany in WWII. Notably, while the Allies observe 'V-E Day', or Victory in Europe Day, on May 8 — the day Nazis surrendered in France — Soviet leader Joseph Stalin chose to celebrate the fall of the Nazis in Soviet-controlled Berlin the next day.
Russia has taken pride in the Soviet Union's victory over Nazi Germany in what it celebrates as the 'Great Patriotic War'. In recent years Russian President Vladimir Putin has equated the ongoing war against Ukraine with the Soviet Union's victory over Nazi Germany.
Ukraine has traditionally observed Victory Day on May 9. But in 2023, it started celebrating the Day of Remembrance and Victory over Germany on May 8, aligning itself with most European nations. Hence, Ukraine's shift from May 9 to May 8 is part of its broader de-Russification process that has been going on for many years but picked up pace after the Post-Maidan events.
The Maidan Uprising, or Euromaidan, refers to protests and demonstrations that began in November 2013 at Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square) in the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv against then President Viktor Yanukovych's many pro-Russian policies.
In 2015, the Ukrainian parliament also took a decision to mark May 8 as the Day of Remembrance and Reconciliation, while May 9 retained its status as Victory Day. The poppy flower became the symbol of Remembrance and Reconciliation Day, replacing the Ribbon of Saint George, an important Russian symbol.
A survey conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology showed that the popularity of Victory Day gradually declined following Russia's annexation of Crimea and its support for Russian paramilitaries in the eastern Donbas region in 2014. Public support for Victory Day came down from 37% in 2017 to 31% in 2018.
The situation was accelerated in 2022 after the Russia-Ukraine war began, leading to Ukraine's official shift to commemorating May 8 in line with European countries.
Many Russian and Ukrainian writers and poets have depicted Victory Day and WWII in their writings. Aleksey Tolstoi (1883-1945), better known for his science fiction, wrote the story 'The Russian Character' (1945) which centres around a soldier whose face is disfigured in the War and who hides his identity from his family after his return. The story highlights the soldier's resilience and bravery in the face of a crisis.
Interestingly, Tolstoi – well-known for his active endorsement of the official Bolshevik line – was called by George Orwell, along with another Soviet writer Ilya Ehrenburg, 'literary prostitutes' in his 1945 essay 'The Prevention of Literature'.
Russian writer Mikhail Sholokhov's story 'Fate of a Man' (1956), portrays the bravery of Andrey Sokolov, who participates in the War as a truck driver, and is captured by the Nazis and sent to a concentration camp. He escapes from the Nazis, and later learns on Victory Day that his son, an officer in the army, was killed on the last day of the War.
Anna Akhmatova (1889-1966), an important Russian poet during the War, wrote the poem 'Victory' which asks how the Great Victory is to be remembered:
By our doors Great Victory stays…
But how will we glory her advent?
Let women lift higher the children! They blessed
With life midst thousands and thousands deaths—
Thus will be the dearest answered.
A very popular song titled 'Victory Day', written in 1975 by Russian poet Vladimir Kharitonov and composer David Tukhmanov has been a part of Victory Day celebrations in the Soviet Union. The song celebrates the patriotism and sacrifice of the Russian people:
Days and nights at hearth furnaces,
Our Motherland didn't sleep a wink.
Days and nights a hard battle we fought—
We hastened this day as best we could.
Svetlana Alexandrovna Alexievich, Nobel Prize winning Belarussian writer, has two remarkable books on the memory of World Wars and the Soviet war in Afghanistan. Going against the official Soviet version of the heroic and patriotic war, her first book, The Unwomanly Face of War: An Oral History of Women in World War II (2017), presents monologues of women, chronicles the stories of rapes, torture and atrocities faced by hundreds of women during the War.
Considering herself a pacifist, her selection of stories in the book also makes a case against the notion of war and the heroism attached to it. Last Witnesses: An Oral History of the Children of World War II (2019), a companion volume to The Unwomanly Face, provides a painful recollection of hundreds of children who witnessed bombing, destruction and deaths in WWII. Praising her unique blend of journalism and literature – often called documentary literature – her Nobel Prize citation described her 'polyphonic writings' as 'a monument to suffering and courage in our time'.
The Russia-Ukraine conflict has also prompted many Ukrainian writers to discover their linguistic identity. Ukrainian author Volodymyr Rafeyenko switched from Russian to Ukrainian – a language he hardly knew but learnt gradually – after Russia's invasion of eastern Ukraine in 2014. His novel in Ukrainian titled Mondegreen: Songs about Death and Love (2022) is about the struggle of a Ukrainian refugee from the Donbas region to learn Ukrainian and adjust to his new life in Kyiv.
The main subject of the novel, as Rafeyenko admits, is the Ukrainian language. Talking about the implications of the war, Ukrainian poet and writer Serhiy Zhadan has said, 'If Ukraine wins, there is some future for us, if Russia wins, there will be no literature, no culture, nothing.' For him, writing in Ukrainian is a political act: 'That's why even if you write love poems but do it in Ukrainian, you take a certain position in one way or another, it has a political connotation.'
As part of the process of decolonisation and de-Russification, Ukrainians have also revisited classic Russian literature to call out examples of bias and prejudice towards other nations and peoples. In Kyiv, the statue of iconic Russian poet Alexander Pushkin (1799-1837) has often been smeared with ink as a mark of Ukrainians' protest. Celebrated Russian poet Mikhail Lermontov (1814-1841) has also been called out for his prejudice against Chechens.
Ukrainian-born Russian writer Nikolai Gogol (1809-52) who has many streets and monuments in Ukraine named after him is a bone of contention between the two countries. During the conflict, both Russia and Ukraine have staked their claim on Gogol and his legacy. Hamid Dabashi cites Giorgi Lomsadze and Nikoloz's apt insight about Gogol's significance for the two countries: 'Born in Ukraine, made famous in Russia, Gogol embodies both the ties that bind the two countries and the differences that set them apart.'
How do the differing dates of Victory Day celebrations in Russia (May 9) and Europe (May 8) reflect broader geopolitical and historical narratives?
What role does public memory, including commemorative practices and symbols, play in shaping national identity in post-Soviet states like Ukraine and Russia?
How has Ukraine's shift from May 9 to May 8 for Victory Day observance contributed to its broader process of de-Russification?
How have political events such as the Maidan Uprising and the Russia-Ukraine war influenced the reinterpretation of World War II memory in Ukraine?
In what ways does the contestation over historical figures like Nikolai Gogol reflect the cultural and political tensions between Russia and Ukraine?
(Mohammad Asim Siddiqui is a Professor in the Department of English at Aligarh Muslim University.)
Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with ashiya.parveen@indianexpress.com.
Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week.
Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Trump says it will be up to Ukraine to decide on territorial swaps
Trump says it will be up to Ukraine to decide on territorial swaps

Hindustan Times

timea few seconds ago

  • Hindustan Times

Trump says it will be up to Ukraine to decide on territorial swaps

By Steve Holland Trump says it will be up to Ukraine to decide on territorial swaps ABOARD AIR FORCE ONE -U.S. President Donald Trump said he would not negotiate on behalf of Ukraine in his Friday meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin and would let Kyiv decide whether to engage in territorial swaps with Russia. Trump said his goal was to get the two sides to start a negotiation, with any territorial swaps to be addressed then. "They'll be discussed, but I've got to let Ukraine make that decision, and I think they'll make a proper decision. But I'm not here to negotiate for Ukraine, I'm here to get them at a table," Trump told reporters aboard Air Force One. Trump's remarks are likely to offer some assurance to Ukraine, which is worried that the U.S.-Russia talks could freeze the conflict at Ukraine's expense. Trump said the Russian offensive in Ukraine was likely aimed at helping to strengthen Putin's hand in any negotiations to end the war. "I think they're trying to negotiate. He's trying to set a stage. In his mind that helps him make a better deal. It actually hurts him, but in his mind that helps him make a better deal if they can continue the killing," he said. The U.S. president said he expected his meeting with Putin to produce results, given the stakes involved and weakness in the Russian economy. "He's a smart guy, been doing it for a long time but so have I ... we get along, there's a good respect level on both sides, and I think, you know, something's going to come of it," he said. Trump said it was a good sign that Putin was bringing business executives with him from Russia, but said no deals could be made until the war was settled. "I like that 'cause they want to do business, but they're not doing business until we get the war settled," he said. This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.

How to win at foreign policy
How to win at foreign policy

Hindustan Times

timea few seconds ago

  • Hindustan Times

How to win at foreign policy

WHEN DONALD TRUMP meets Vladimir Putin in Alaska it will be the seventh time the two have talked in person. This time is different, though. Since their last sit-down, Mr Putin has launched an unprovoked war, lost perhaps a million Russian soldiers (dead and wounded) and inflicted ceaseless misery on Ukrainians in pursuit of an imperial dream. Undaunted, Mr Trump hopes to get in a room with a wily dictator, feel him out and forge a deal. It is the biggest test yet of his uniquely personal style of diplomacy. It is also a reminder of how unpredictable American foreign policy has become. Will Mr Trump be firm, making clear that America and its allies will do what it takes to guarantee Ukraine's sovereignty? Or will he be in such a rush to reopen business with Russia that he rewards its aggression and leaves Ukraine vulnerable to future attacks? As everyone clamours for the president's ear, no one knows what he will do. At the beginning of Mr Trump's second term his supporters had a theory about how he would wield American power. Rather than relying on deep relationships and expertise, he would rely on his gut. As a master negotiator with a knack for sensing what others want and fear, he would cut through the waffle and apply pressure ruthlessly. Everyone wants access to American markets. By threatening to shut them out, he would force recalcitrant foreigners to end wars and reset the terms of trade to America's advantage. Career diplomats and experts would be replaced by rainmakers. Yes, his transactional approach might foster a bit of corruption. But if it brought peace in Ukraine or Gaza, who cared? Alas, there are drawbacks to this approach. Using tariffs as a weapon hurts America, too. More fundamentally, junking universal principles for might-makes-right repels friends without necessarily cowing foes. And the substitution of presidential whim for any coherent theory of international relations makes geopolitics less predictable and more dangerous. Mr Trump is not a globalist, obviously. Nor is he an isolationist, or a believer in regional spheres of influence. He simply does what he wants, which changes frequently. One way to make sense of Trumpism is that he divides his efforts at dealmaking into three categories: high, medium and low stakes. In the first category are America's relations with unfriendly great powers, principally China and Russia. Israel is here, too, because of its importance in American domestic politics. Iran makes an appearance, because of the way it threatens its neighbours. All these relationships are complex, difficult and matter a lot to Mr Trump. If he scores a win here—if he ends the war in Ukraine, or brings peace between Israel and the Palestinians, or finds a formula for co-operating with China without endangering national security—then the pay-off is potentially staggering. In the medium-stakes category Mr Trump puts Brazil, South Africa and, oddly, giant India. These are important countries that both America and China want in their camp. In most cases, their values are far closer to America's than to China's. Ties with them ought to be win-win. But they are unwilling to be bossed around, and take offence when Mr Trump insults or tries to bully them. The small stakes, for Mr Trump, are in small or poor countries. A superpower can wield great influence over such places, sometimes to good ends. Mr Trump helped cement a peace deal between Azerbaijan and Armenia, for example, and brokered a truce between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda. These are welcome achievements. Azerbaijan and Armenia had been fighting for 35 years. Mr Trump mediated a reopening of trade and transport links. The fruits may include a weakening of Russian influence in the area. The Congo-Rwanda deal is much shakier—Rwandan-backed rebels have violated it repeatedly—but not nothing. And there may be an upside for America, in the form of mineral deals. When it comes to medium-size stakes, Mr Trump's method works less well. He has started needless feuds with the leaders of Brazil (because it is prosecuting a Trumpy ex-president for allegedly attempting a coup), with South Africa (because he believes, wrongly, that it is persecuting whites) and with India (infuriating its prime minister with painful tariffs and undiplomatic boasting). The result? India will draw closer to Russia again, and be less inclined to act as a counterweight against China. Brazil and South Africa see China as a more reliable partner than America. Mr Trump has won headlines that play well with his most ardent supporters. But America has lost out. And when it comes to the highest stakes, the president is floundering. He has tried to coerce China with tariffs, but it is fighting back. This week Mr Trump blinked and extended another deadline. He also undermined his own national-security policy by lifting a ban on exports of Nvidia chips to China, while insisting that Uncle Sam gets a 15% cut. On Ukraine, he has been wildly inconsistent, one day blaming it for having been invaded and threatening to cut military aid, then accusing Mr Putin of bad faith and threatening stiffer sanctions on Russia. On Israel, he has consistently given Binyamin Netanyahu everything he wants and extracted nothing in return. If Mr Trump's bombing of Iran's nuclear sites made Israel safer, well and good. But he has failed to use his leverage to restrain Israel's unending war in Gaza. The world is flattery Other countries are learning how to play Mr Trump. A crypto deal and a nomination for a Nobel peace prize worked for Pakistan. A plane helped Qatar. The corruption is turning out to be as bad as almost anyone feared; the great deals have yet to materialise. Those who say Mr Trump is looking out for his own interests, not America's, have plenty of ammunition. All this is only a preliminary judgment. If Mr Trump stands up to Mr Putin this week, perhaps he can make his greatest-ever deal, ending Europe's worst war since 1945. Sadly, the odds are against it. For subscribers only: to see how we design each week's cover, sign up to our weekly Cover Story newsletter.

The real collusion between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin
The real collusion between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin

Hindustan Times

timea few seconds ago

  • Hindustan Times

The real collusion between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin

To thwart Donald Trump is to court punishment. A rival politician can expect an investigation, an aggravating network may face a lawsuit, a left-leaning university can bid farewell to its public grants, a scrupulous civil servant can count on a pink slip and an independent-minded foreign government, however determined an adversary or stalwart an ally, invites tariffs. Perceived antagonists should also brace for a hail of insults, a lesson in public humiliation to potential transgressors. Vladimir Putin has been a mysterious exception. Mr Trump has blamed his travails over Russia's interference in the 2016 election on just about everyone but him. He has blamed the war in Ukraine on former President Joe Biden, for supposedly inviting it through weakness, and on the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelensky, for somehow starting it. Back when Russia invaded in February 2022, Mr Trump praised Mr Putin's 'savvy'. For months, as Mr Putin made a mockery of Mr Trump's promises to end the war in a day and of his calls for a ceasefire, the president who once threatened 'fire and fury' against North Korea and tariffs as high as 245% against China indulged in no such bluster. He has sounded less formidable than plaintive. 'Vladimir, STOP!' he wrote on social media in April. His use of the given name betrayed a touching faith that their shared intimacy would matter to his reptilian counterpart, too. When Mr Putin kept killing Ukrainians, Mr Trump took a step that was even less characteristic: he admitted to the world that he had been played for a fool. 'Maybe he doesn't want to stop the war, he's just tapping me along,' he mused on April 26th. A month later, he ventured that his friend must have changed, gone 'absolutely CRAZY!' Then on July 8th he acknowledged what should have been obvious from the start: 'He is very nice all the time, but it turns out to be meaningless.' Mr Trump threatened secondary sanctions on Russia but then leapt at Mr Putin's latest mixed messages about peace, rewarding him with a summit in America. Why, with this man, has Mr Trump been so accommodating? Efforts by journalists, congressional investigators and prosecutors to pinpoint the reason have often proved exercises in self-defeat and sorrow. The pattern seemed sinister: Mr Trump praised Mr Putin on television as far back as 2007; invited him to the Miss Universe Pageant in Moscow in 2013 and wondered on Twitter if he would be his 'new best friend'; sought his help to build a tower in Moscow from 2013 to 2016; and tried unsuccessfully many times in 2015 to secure a meeting with him. Then came Russia's interference in the election in 2016, including its hack of Democrats' emails to undermine the Democratic candidate, Hillary Clinton. Some journalists fanned suspicions of a conspiracy—'collusion' became the watchword—by spreading claims Mr Putin was blackmailing Mr Trump with an obscene videotape. The source proved to be a rumour compiled in research to help Mrs Clinton. Nine years later Mr Putin's low-budget meddling still rewards America's foes by poisoning its politics and distracting its leaders. Pam Bondi, the attorney-general, has started a grand-jury investigation into what Mr Trump called treason by Barack Obama and others in his administration. The basis is a misrepresentation of an intelligence finding in the waning days of Mr Obama's presidency. Tulsi Gabbard, the Director of National Intelligence, has said that because Mr Putin did not hack voting machines, the finding that he tried to help Mr Trump was a lie. The conclusion under Mr Obama was instead that Mr Putin tried to affect the election by influencing public opinion. The exhaustive report released in 2019 by an independent counsel, Robert Mueller, affirmed on its first page that 'the Russian government perceived it would benefit from a Trump presidency and worked to secure that outcome.' Mr Mueller indicted numerous Russians, and he also secured guilty pleas from some Trump aides for violating various laws. But he did not conclude the campaign 'conspired or co-ordinated' with the Russians. To wade through the report's two volumes is to be reminded how malicious the Russians were and how shambolic Mr Trump's campaign was. It is also to lament the time and energy spent, given how little proof was found to support the superheated suspicions. And it is to regret how little Mr Trump was accorded a presumption of innocence. In the final words of the report, Mr Mueller noted that while it did not accuse Mr Trump of a crime, it also did 'not exonerate him'. One might understand his bitterness. The puzzle of Mr Trump's admiration for Mr Putin may have been better addressed by psychologists. Certainly Mr Putin, the seasoned KGB operative, has known how to play to his vulnerabilities, including vanity. Mr Trump was said to be 'clearly touched' by a kitschy portrait of himself Mr Putin gave him in March. Putin on the blitz Yet that patronising speculation may be unfair to Mr Trump, too. It certainly understates the hazard. He has weighty reasons to identify with Mr Putin. Since the 1930s a cornerstone of American foreign policy has been that no country can gain territory by force, a principle also enshrined in the charter of the United Nations. Yet in his first term, in pursuit of his vision of Middle East peace, Mr Trump twice granted American recognition of conquered territory, for Israel's claim to the Golan Heights and Morocco's claim to Western Sahara. He appears to envisage an end to the war in Ukraine that would also award Russia new territory. This is how 'savvy' people like Mr Trump and Mr Putin believe the world actually works, or ought to: not according to rules confected by stripy-pants diplomats to preserve an international order, but in deference to power exercised by great men. A world hostage to that theory may be the legacy of their true collusion. Subscribers to The Economist can sign up to our Opinion newsletter, which brings together the best of our leaders, columns, guest essays and reader correspondence.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store