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Indian Express
3 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Ye Jung hai Jung-e Azadi: lyrical echoes of India's freedom struggle
— Mohammad Asim Siddiqui Poetry is not just a medium for expressing personal emotion but also serves as a source for creating social awakening, launching political protests, and celebrating heroic deeds and patriotic actions. Many powerful slogans and themes of the Indian freedom movement emerged from the work of poets. Vande Mataram, India's national song that was very popular during the freedom struggle, is from Bankim Chandra Chatterjee's Bengali novel Anandmath (1882). Similarly, the national anthem 'Jana Gana Mana' was written by Rabindranath Tagore in 1911. 'Inquilab Zindabad', the patriotic war cry of revolutionaries during the freedom movement, was coined by freedom fighter and Urdu poet Hasrat Mohani in 1921. The famous song 'Vijayi Vishwa tiranga pyara/jhanda uncha rahe hamara', often sung during important events, was written by Hindi poet Shyamlal Gupta in 1924 and was later adopted by the Indian National Congress. Right from the Revolt of 1857, often described as India's first war of independence, to the country's independence on August 15, 1947, poets writing in both English and Indian languages have written about important events and figures of the freedom movement. Rahi Masoom Raza wrote 1857, a long poem in Urdu also published as Kranti-Katha in Devanagari, which celebrates the bravery of leaders and ordinary people during the Revolt. Explaining the reason behind writing this poem, Raza wrote, 'after the Revolt only misguided people accepted mental defeat but the really far-sighted people continued the fight against the British in some form.' He also highlighted the role of all sections of Indian society in the Revolt, though their reasons for participation in the fight could have been different. Maithilisharan Gupt (1886-1964), one of the pioneers of modern Hindi poetry whose work is known for nationalist themes and patriotic fervour, was given the title of Rashtra Kavi by Mahatma Gandhi. In Bharat Bharti (1912), a book of social awakening, he contrasts India's greatness in education, art and civilisation in the past with the decline he perceived in his time. Ramdhari Singh Dinkar (1908-1974), another important poet known for taking up the themes of nationalism and patriotism in his poetry, wrote Vijay Sandesh (1928), a collection of poems inspired by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel's Bardoli Satyagraha in Gujarat – the agitation against the excessive taxation imposed on farmers by the colonial government. The early phase of Indian English poetry shows poets talking about their love of the country and asserting their Indian identity. Toru Dutt (1856-1877) turned to Indian legends and ancient Indian history. Henry Louis Vivian Derozio (1809-1831) clearly expressed his patriotism and love of freedom in his poetry. His famous poem 'To India: My Native Land' mourns the loss of India's ancient glory and laments its 'chained' state and misery under British rule. Sarojini Naidu (1879-1949), a freedom fighter and the first Indian woman president of the Indian National Congress, paid tributes to many national heroes in her poetry. She described Gopal Krishna Gokhale as 'steadfast, serene, dauntless, supremely wise' in her poem 'In Gokhale's Garden', and praised the bravery of Bal Gangadhar Tilak in 'Lokmanya Tilak': Hail dauntless soldier, hail intrepid sage/Who taught our nation Freedom's Gayatri! Immutable from the redeeming flame/Your ashes are our children's heritage, And all the epic rhythms of the sea/Chant your triumphant and undying name. Many Punjabi poets composed powerful verses of protest against the colonial excesses, which angered the British officials. As critic Harbhajan Singh Bhatia notes, Nanak Singh's 'Khooni Vaisakhi', Vidhata Singh Teer's 'Teer Tarang' and Firoz Din Sharaf's 'Dukh de Kirne' were all banned by the colonial government. Nanak Singh (1897-1971), who participated in the protest against the Rowlett Act and miraculously survived the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, wrote a moving account of the tragedy in his long poem Khooni Vaisakhi: A Poem from the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre 1919 (2019). This was ably translated from Punjabi into English by his grandson, Navdeep Suri. The 900-line poem, divided into stanzas, bears titles that trace the narrative arc and emotional tenor of the poem. Some examples include 'Rowlatt Act Controversy', 'The Dead and Wounded', ' The Gathering in Jallianwala Bagh', 'Brig. Gen. Dyer Arrives, Gunfire Begins', and 'People Wailing as They Bring the Corpses of Loved Ones'. In a very poignant tone, Nanak Singh captures the wailing of parents, wives, sisters, and presents the harrowing account of cremation and burial of dead bodies: Clutching lifeless bodies of precious sons/Parents mourn the abject horrors of the day/ My child, oh! Wake up just once more/What makes you sleep in a place so grey? He adopts a tone of extreme anger while addressing Gen. Dyer: Shame on you, you merciless Dyer What brought you to Punjab, O Dyer? Not a sign of mercy unleashing such horror How badly were you drunk, O Dyer? You came here thirsting for our blood Will a lake of it fill your greed, O Dyer? An important feature of Khooni Vaisakhi in its English translation is the addition of an essay titled 'The Sins of the Great-Grandfather', written by Justin Rowlatt, the great-grandson of Sir Sidney Rowlatt, the author of the infamous act. Justin Rowlatt expresses his horror and shock at the massacre, calling the Rowlatt Act 'a draconian piece of legislation'. 'I feel deeply ashamed of my connection to this appalling episode', he wrote. There is also a very strong note of protest against colonial rule in Urdu poetry. Hasrat Mohani (1875-1951) is critical of the oppressive laws that were used to persecute people: Naam se qaanuun ke hote hain kya kya sitam Jabr b zere niqab dekhiye kab tak rahe (How long/will this persecution last/under the garb of law?/Let us see./How long/will this tyranny stay hidden/under cover?/Let us see) (Trans. Surinder Deol) He exhorts his countrymen to remain optimistic about India's independence: Ai k najaat-e hind ki dil se hai tujh ko aarzu Himmat-e sar buland se yaas ka insidaad kar (For India's freedom,/ which is your heart's desire,/you have to keep your morale high,/and avoid the feeling of despair.) (Trans. Surinder Deol) Bismil Azimabadi (1901-1978), a freedom fighter and poet, wrote the ghazal 'Sarfaroshi ki tamanna' in 1921 after the Jallianwala Bagh tragedy. This ghazal became very popular after Ram Prasad Bismil (1897-1927), a freedom fighter and one of the founders of Hindustan Socialist Republican Association, recited it while facing his execution in 1927 for the Kakori train robbery: Sarfaroshi ki tamanna ab hamaare dil mein hai Dekhna hai zor kitna baazu-e qaatil mein hai (The desire to sacrifice my life for my land/is supreme in my heart./we have to see how much force/is there in the arms of the murderer.) (Trans. Surinder Deol) Almost all poets associated with the Progressive Writers' Movement spoke against colonialism, communalism, and conservatism. Displaying his Marxist leanings, Makhdoom Mohiuddin (1908-1969) wrote 'Ye Jung hai Jung-e Azadi' in which he emphasised the battle of workers, labourers, and the persecuted people to achieve independence. Asrarul Haq Majaz (1911-1955), usually celebrated for his romantic poetry, prefers a flag to the aanchal of his beloved in one poem: Tere maathe pe ye aanchal to bahut hi khuub hai lekin Tu is aanchal se ik parcham bana leti to achchha tha (The corner of your aanchal/ on your forehead looks beautiful,/but it would have been much better/if you had made a flag/out of this material.) (Trans. Surinder Deol) In his book India's Freedom Struggle and Urdu Poetry: Awakening (2022), translated by Surinder Deol, famous Urdu critic Gopichand Narang states four reasons for Urdu's importance during the freedom struggle. First, it was the most popular and most widely used language. Second, many prominent freedom movement leaders knew Urdu well and used this language to address the masses. Third, several revolutionaries composed verses in Urdu. Fourth, it had many great poets 'who composed poems that quickly became songs of freedom'. The book is divided into two parts. In the second part, Narang 'highlights the poetic contributions of four leading poets of the freedom movement: Durga Sahai Suroor Jahanbadi, Josh Malihabadi, Tilok Chand Mehroom, and Firaq Gorakhpuri'. How did the poetry in various Indian languages amplify the patriotic war cry of revolutionaries during India's freedom struggle. In what ways did poetry during the freedom movement appeal to diverse groups of people by blending romantic, religious, and revolutionary imagery? How do you think the participation in the fateful massacre in Jallianwala Bagh shaped the emotional tone and narrative style of poets like Nanak SIngh? Why was Urdu such a potent medium for mobilising people during the freedom struggle, and how did its popularity intersect with the multilingual character of the movement? (Mohammad Asim Siddiqui is a Professor in the Department of English at Aligarh Muslim University.) Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X.
Indian Express
30-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
What early feminist movement tells us about today's gender inequality
— Mohammad Asim Siddiqui Recently, the Supreme Court set aside the judgment declining maternity leave to a school teacher, and said she was entitled to receive maternity benefits despite having two children. But other structural inequalities faced by women remain very much in place. According to The Time Use Survey 2024 (January-December), while men spend 132 minutes more than women on employment and related activities, women spend much more time on unpaid domestic services – 289 minutes daily compared to 88 minutes by men. In this context, how far have we come in addressing the structural inequalities? Can legal interventions correct such entrenched disparities, or a deeper shift in societal attitude is required? These questions, which constitute the core of feminist thought, may be better understood by revisiting the emergence of the feminist movement. The term feminism existed as early as the mid-nineteenth century, though at the time it simply meant 'having the qualities of a female'. The term became widely known in the 1890s when anti-suffragists began using it negatively to refer to women's rights activists. Political parties and other organisations soon adopted the term Feminism's history has been marked by many ruptures. It was only during the second wave of feminism beginning in the 1960s in the US when feminism began to take shape as a concerted and continuous movement. It advanced on various fronts simultaneously, with activists working at the grassroots level while legal and political scholars were sharpening their theoretical tools. Cut to the present, often referred to as the fourth wave of feminism, the movement has branched into diverse approaches, frameworks and methodologies, and has continued the work of what feminist scholar bell hooks described as 'a movement to end sexism, sexist exploitation, and oppression'. The concrete beginning of the First Wave of Feminism, dating from 1830 to 1920 and generally identified with the suffragette movement, can be traced to the Women's Rights Convention held in Seneca Falls, New York in 1848. Attended by more than 300 men and women, the Convention passed many resolutions stressing the equality of the sexes and issued the Declaration of Sentiments – the movement's manifesto. One of the main organisers of the event was Elizabeth Cady Stanton, a pioneering figure in the first wave who continued to champion women's causes all through the 19th century. The Declaration of Sentiments marked the formal beginning of the suffrage movement. In the same year, women groups across England, France, Germany and Italy joined workers and other marginalised groups to demand equality, giving the movement an international character. Around this time, many feminist journals also started publishing news and commentaries on women's activities. Women attacked many oppressive laws that denied them the right to make contracts, bequeath property, have rights over their children or write wills. Common demands during this phase included opportunities in education, property rights and suffrage. The rise of capitalism and democracy in the late 18th and 19th centuries awakened a new consciousness about individual rights. Yet the change in the nature of the economy, work and wages brought about by capitalism largely benefited men, leaving women disadvantaged and increasingly dependent on men. Similarly, early theories of individual rights also placed men at the centre. The feminist movement addressed such issues, asserting the value of women's economic labour and their rights. Estelle B. Freedman in her book No Turning Back: The History of Feminism and the Future of Women (2002) argues that 'feminist politics originated where capitalism, industrial growth, democratic theory, and socialist critiques converged, as they did in Europe and North America after 1800. Women and their male allies began to agitate for equal educational, economic, and political opportunities, a struggle that continues to the present.' During the first wave of feminism, Marxism and liberalism were the two important intellectual frameworks that were deployed to talk about women's exploitation and to address the issue of inequality. While Marxism envisioned women's emancipation through the overthrow of capitalism, liberalism, rooted in the principle of rationalism and belief in just governance, emphasised equality before the law. The liberal position on women's equality was articulated forcefully by thinkers like Mary Wollstonecraft and John Stuart Mill. In her most famous work A Vindication of the Rights of Woman: With Strictures on Political and Moral Subjects (1792), Wollstonecraft, drawing on insights from enlightenment ideals of liberty, equal opportunity and rationalism, questioned the divine rights of husbands and challenged the notion of women's inferiority. Sharply disagreeing with Rousseau, who held a contemptuous view of women's education in Emile, Wollstonecraft advocated education for both men and women. She urged women to focus on cultivating their minds rather than prioritising beauty and fashion. Wollstonecraft wrote: 'Contending for the rights of women, my main argument is built upon this simple principle, that if she be not prepared by education to become the companion of man, she will stop the progress of knowledge and virtue; for truth must be common to all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to its influence on general practice. 'And how can women be expected to cooperate unless she knows why she ought to be virtuous? Unless freedom strengthens her reason till she comprehends her duty, and sees in what manner is connected with her real good.' Exhorting women to develop their own potential, she said that 'I do not wish them to have power over men, but over themselves.' It was partly due to her influence that education was the earliest demand of women in the first wave. John Stuart Mill's The Subjection of Women (1869), an important liberal-feminist text that influenced the future development of feminism, makes a strong case for the emancipation of women and for female suffrage in Britain. Stressing the principle of equality, Mill categorically stated: 'The principle which regulates the existing social relations between the two sexes – the legal subordination of one sex by the other – is wrong in itself, and now one of the chief hindrances to human improvement; and that it ought to be replaced by a principle of perfect equality, admitting no power or privilege on the one side, nor disability on the other.' The women's movement in the US was linked with the abolition and temperance (abstinence from alcohol) movements. However, many women found themselves excluded from the rank of the men-led abolitionist groups, forcing them to form women's rights groups. One reason behind the organisation of the Seneca Fall Convention was the exclusion of five US female delegates from the World Slavery Convention in London in 1840. With alcohol consumption reaching unprecedented levels in the nineteenth century, women were the main victims of men's alcohol abuse. The formation of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) in 1874, and later the emergence of its many branches, accelerated women's efforts to protest alcohol abuse and its association with immorality. In a pioneering study of women's speeches and writings, Man Cannot Speak for Her: A Critical Study of Early Feminist Rhetoric, Vol. 1(1989), Karlyn Kohrs Campbell notes that 'temperance was an acceptable outlet for the reformist energies of women during the last decades of the nineteenth century'. Traditionally, 'good' women could participate in the temperance movement without facing any disapproval. 'Although the WCTU accepted traditional concepts of womanhood', Campbell continues, 'it came to argue that woman's distinctive influence should be extended outside the home via the vote. Consequently, woman suffrage became acceptable to more conservative women (and men), who had rejected it before, when presented as a means for woman to protect her domestic sphere from abuses related to alcohol.' The civil war in the US adversely affected the women's movement as the focus of the nation gradually turned to patriotism and national interests, with women's demands becoming secondary. Women's groups had fully supported the cause of the Union and the abolition of slavery, expecting in return support for their rights. However, their hopes were dashed when Section 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment, which dealt with voting rights and was ratified in 1868, introduced the word male into the US Constitution for the first time. This provision granted voting rights to all American males above 21 years. Women challenged their exclusion in the Supreme Court, which rejected their demand for suffrage in 1875. An important development in the suffrage movement was the merger of two rival women organisations – the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) and the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA). The merger led to the formation of a more influential organisation – the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) on February 18, 1890. Though its leaders often differed sharply over methods and policies, the new organisation made serious efforts for woman's right to vote. The entry of fiery activist Alice Paul into the NAWSA in 1910 took the concerns of the organisation from state suffrage to national Constitutional amendment. Her conflict with the policies of NAWSA led her to form the National Woman's Party. These efforts culminated in the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the US Constitution in 1920, granting women the right to vote. What were the key demands of the First Wave of Feminism? How did early feminist movements navigate societal expectations of womanhood and morality? What role did Mary Wollstonecraft and John Stuart Mill play in shaping early feminist thought? Do you think the Supreme Court's ruling on maternity leave signal a genuine shift in the broader approach to gender justice? In a country where women spend over three times as much time as men on unpaid domestic work, what policy interventions can ensure equitable sharing of household responsibilities? (Mohammad Asim Siddiqui is a Professor in the Department of English at Aligarh Muslim University.) Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X.
Indian Express
14-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
How the Russia-Ukraine conflict also became a cultural war
— Mohammad Asim Siddiqui (The Indian Express has launched a new series of articles for UPSC aspirants written by seasoned writers and scholars on issues and concepts spanning History, Polity, International Relations, Art, Culture and Heritage, Environment, Geography, Science and Technology, and so on. Read and reflect with subject experts and boost your chance of cracking the much-coveted UPSC CSE. In the following article, Mohammad Asim Siddiqui engages with literary depiction of Victory Day in Russia and Ukraine.) 'Born in Ukraine, made famous in Russia, [Nikolai] Gogol embodies both the ties that bind the two countries and the differences that set them apart.' These lines about literary figure Nikolai Gogol—born in Ukraine (then part of the Russian Empire) and widely regarded as one of the most important writers in the Russian literary canon—highlight how literature offers a lens to look at the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict and understand its deeper political, historical, and emotional undercurrents. For instance, works on Victory Day and World War II by many Russian and Ukrainian writers and poets provide insights into the construction of collective memory, contestation around national identities, and, most importantly, the processing of historical events across generations. But before delving into the literary portrayals of these key events, let us first briefly understand the significance of Victory Day and how it is remembered differently in Russia and Ukraine. On May 9 every year, Russia celebrates Victory Day to mark the Soviet Union's victory over Nazi Germany in WWII. Notably, while the Allies observe 'V-E Day', or Victory in Europe Day, on May 8 — the day Nazis surrendered in France — Soviet leader Joseph Stalin chose to celebrate the fall of the Nazis in Soviet-controlled Berlin the next day. Russia has taken pride in the Soviet Union's victory over Nazi Germany in what it celebrates as the 'Great Patriotic War'. In recent years Russian President Vladimir Putin has equated the ongoing war against Ukraine with the Soviet Union's victory over Nazi Germany. Ukraine has traditionally observed Victory Day on May 9. But in 2023, it started celebrating the Day of Remembrance and Victory over Germany on May 8, aligning itself with most European nations. Hence, Ukraine's shift from May 9 to May 8 is part of its broader de-Russification process that has been going on for many years but picked up pace after the Post-Maidan events. The Maidan Uprising, or Euromaidan, refers to protests and demonstrations that began in November 2013 at Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square) in the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv against then President Viktor Yanukovych's many pro-Russian policies. In 2015, the Ukrainian parliament also took a decision to mark May 8 as the Day of Remembrance and Reconciliation, while May 9 retained its status as Victory Day. The poppy flower became the symbol of Remembrance and Reconciliation Day, replacing the Ribbon of Saint George, an important Russian symbol. A survey conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology showed that the popularity of Victory Day gradually declined following Russia's annexation of Crimea and its support for Russian paramilitaries in the eastern Donbas region in 2014. Public support for Victory Day came down from 37% in 2017 to 31% in 2018. The situation was accelerated in 2022 after the Russia-Ukraine war began, leading to Ukraine's official shift to commemorating May 8 in line with European countries. Many Russian and Ukrainian writers and poets have depicted Victory Day and WWII in their writings. Aleksey Tolstoi (1883-1945), better known for his science fiction, wrote the story 'The Russian Character' (1945) which centres around a soldier whose face is disfigured in the War and who hides his identity from his family after his return. The story highlights the soldier's resilience and bravery in the face of a crisis. Interestingly, Tolstoi – well-known for his active endorsement of the official Bolshevik line – was called by George Orwell, along with another Soviet writer Ilya Ehrenburg, 'literary prostitutes' in his 1945 essay 'The Prevention of Literature'. Russian writer Mikhail Sholokhov's story 'Fate of a Man' (1956), portrays the bravery of Andrey Sokolov, who participates in the War as a truck driver, and is captured by the Nazis and sent to a concentration camp. He escapes from the Nazis, and later learns on Victory Day that his son, an officer in the army, was killed on the last day of the War. Anna Akhmatova (1889-1966), an important Russian poet during the War, wrote the poem 'Victory' which asks how the Great Victory is to be remembered: By our doors Great Victory stays… But how will we glory her advent? Let women lift higher the children! They blessed With life midst thousands and thousands deaths— Thus will be the dearest answered. A very popular song titled 'Victory Day', written in 1975 by Russian poet Vladimir Kharitonov and composer David Tukhmanov has been a part of Victory Day celebrations in the Soviet Union. The song celebrates the patriotism and sacrifice of the Russian people: Days and nights at hearth furnaces, Our Motherland didn't sleep a wink. Days and nights a hard battle we fought— We hastened this day as best we could. Svetlana Alexandrovna Alexievich, Nobel Prize winning Belarussian writer, has two remarkable books on the memory of World Wars and the Soviet war in Afghanistan. Going against the official Soviet version of the heroic and patriotic war, her first book, The Unwomanly Face of War: An Oral History of Women in World War II (2017), presents monologues of women, chronicles the stories of rapes, torture and atrocities faced by hundreds of women during the War. Considering herself a pacifist, her selection of stories in the book also makes a case against the notion of war and the heroism attached to it. Last Witnesses: An Oral History of the Children of World War II (2019), a companion volume to The Unwomanly Face, provides a painful recollection of hundreds of children who witnessed bombing, destruction and deaths in WWII. Praising her unique blend of journalism and literature – often called documentary literature – her Nobel Prize citation described her 'polyphonic writings' as 'a monument to suffering and courage in our time'. The Russia-Ukraine conflict has also prompted many Ukrainian writers to discover their linguistic identity. Ukrainian author Volodymyr Rafeyenko switched from Russian to Ukrainian – a language he hardly knew but learnt gradually – after Russia's invasion of eastern Ukraine in 2014. His novel in Ukrainian titled Mondegreen: Songs about Death and Love (2022) is about the struggle of a Ukrainian refugee from the Donbas region to learn Ukrainian and adjust to his new life in Kyiv. The main subject of the novel, as Rafeyenko admits, is the Ukrainian language. Talking about the implications of the war, Ukrainian poet and writer Serhiy Zhadan has said, 'If Ukraine wins, there is some future for us, if Russia wins, there will be no literature, no culture, nothing.' For him, writing in Ukrainian is a political act: 'That's why even if you write love poems but do it in Ukrainian, you take a certain position in one way or another, it has a political connotation.' As part of the process of decolonisation and de-Russification, Ukrainians have also revisited classic Russian literature to call out examples of bias and prejudice towards other nations and peoples. In Kyiv, the statue of iconic Russian poet Alexander Pushkin (1799-1837) has often been smeared with ink as a mark of Ukrainians' protest. Celebrated Russian poet Mikhail Lermontov (1814-1841) has also been called out for his prejudice against Chechens. Ukrainian-born Russian writer Nikolai Gogol (1809-52) who has many streets and monuments in Ukraine named after him is a bone of contention between the two countries. During the conflict, both Russia and Ukraine have staked their claim on Gogol and his legacy. Hamid Dabashi cites Giorgi Lomsadze and Nikoloz's apt insight about Gogol's significance for the two countries: 'Born in Ukraine, made famous in Russia, Gogol embodies both the ties that bind the two countries and the differences that set them apart.' How do the differing dates of Victory Day celebrations in Russia (May 9) and Europe (May 8) reflect broader geopolitical and historical narratives? What role does public memory, including commemorative practices and symbols, play in shaping national identity in post-Soviet states like Ukraine and Russia? How has Ukraine's shift from May 9 to May 8 for Victory Day observance contributed to its broader process of de-Russification? How have political events such as the Maidan Uprising and the Russia-Ukraine war influenced the reinterpretation of World War II memory in Ukraine? In what ways does the contestation over historical figures like Nikolai Gogol reflect the cultural and political tensions between Russia and Ukraine? (Mohammad Asim Siddiqui is a Professor in the Department of English at Aligarh Muslim University.) Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X.
