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Mint
a day ago
- Health
- Mint
Does a Michelada Without Beer Still Taste as Sweet?
(Bloomberg Opinion) -- I find myself unhappily on trend. Young people everywhere are increasingly 'on the wagon' — to use the American idiom for sobriety from the 1920s, when the 18th Amendment to the US Constitution banned the production and sale of alcohol. The wagon in the expression was a public- service vehicle loaded with water to tamp down dust and grime on city streets; by extension, it described the clean and sober law-abiding citizens of America. According to some estimates, 39% of Gen Z say they have foresworn alcoholic drinks; about half of them imbibe such beverages only occasionally. Many have taken to non-alcoholic alternatives. I didn't set out to join that youthful bandwagon. Nevertheless, I have been alcohol-free since Jan. 20, 2025. Those of you who recognize that date as US Inauguration Day must get the coincidence out of your head. It just happened to be when I felt I'd had too much wine over the previous three months. Alas, my doctors agreed with me — because of decades of loving wine and champagne, not just those recent three months. And so, I've spent nearly 140 days looking at how to enjoy the brave new world of NA — a market that's gotten a huge boost in sales and creativity precisely because of health-focused Gen Z, a cohort that probably makes up 25% of the world's population. I am a late Boomer, but now I'm medically required to be young at heart. The NA market can be too sprawlingly defined, including everything from bottled water and high-fructose sodas to electrolyte-infused liquids to NA wines and beer. I'm going to look at beverages that someone who likes to sip good vintages would gravitate to, intriguing in their own right or complementary, even transformative, with food. I was in Copenhagen recently where I attended Noma Chef René Redzepi's revived MAD symposium on the future of restaurants.(1) These kinds of events are usually chock-full of discriminating chefs and sommeliers intent on sampling novel or rare wines and spirits. Would I find alcohol-free stuff to quaff to help me avoid all those temptations? I will admit to staring longingly at the wonderful vintages poured out in Copenhagen. I love wine, perhaps even more so now that I can't have it. But there was no shortage of NA wine. Indeed, Denmark is home to Muri, a pioneer in the blending of different fermented juices to create an alternative to wine. Other NA wine purveyors use physical means (often with low heat) to remove alcohol. That usually results in a thin impersonation of wine, with much of the mouthfeel and vibrancy extracted along with the ethanol (which is the predominant form of alcohol produced by the yeast in winemaking). Muri's process stops short of producing alcohol and utilizes several fruits fermented separately and then blended to create distinct potables. But as tasty as Muri can be (and its beverages are delicious), let me declare now that all the non-alcoholic wines I have sampled don't come close to the vivacity of even middling good wine. There are excellent NA sparklings — L'Antidote and L'Antilope by Domaine de Grottes in France's Beaujolais region — but even these are soda pop compared to champagne or even the new generation of English bubblies. Good wine is a liquid time capsule — a memento of earth, grape, water, the seasons and human touch. It moves beyond taste. I may no longer drink a good Savagnin from the Jura, but I can still appreciate its aroma. Nevertheless, the thrill of having something that looks and — at first blush — feels like wine is enough to fool the brain into producing dopamine. A guilty elation takes over, and you think, 'They've made a mistake. They've poured me real wine.' Soon enough, you realize it's an impostor in your glass. You aren't going to be fooled by the second — if you decide to have it. The NA beers I tasted in Copenhagen were more 'hoppy' or overly flavored with things like elderflower to disguise the absence of malted barley. That said, many non-alcoholic brews I've tried here in London are more successful in impersonating their originals. Guinness 0.0% is 99.9% identical in taste to its model (it has a flatter affect as it approaches room temperature). And Estrella Damm has tweaked the vacuum distillation method — the same one many NA winemakers use to remove alcohol — to reintroduce lost flavors. Its FreeDamm is remarkably good lager. Yet, the second-glass — or in this case, second pint — syndrome persists for both the lager and the stout. The buzz you thought you had turns out to be fantasy. Of course, the quest for buzz — that convivial lightheadedness — is the existential issue in the first place for many drinkers. The road to intoxication is broad. So how do you get the consumer to focus on flavor instead of inebriation? It may be cocktails or 'mocktails' — a terribly awkward word. But restaurants can customize drinks for their characteristic cuisine. I had a miraculous NA michelada at Sanchez, chef Rosio Sanchez's wonderful Mexican restaurant in the Vesterbro district of Copenhagen. The super piquant concoction is usually made with beer, but that's been substituted by a NA pilsner from Rothaus, a German brewer. It went perfectly with the food, flowing and metamorphosing with the ingredients and heat. Micheladas — hellishly spicy — aren't for everyone and don't go with everything. But there are other choices. I had a range of kombuchas in Copenhagen (teas fermented with a variety of ingredients, including roses, magnolias and fig leaves) that were startlingly seductive. Those in the know will say that kombuchas contain some alcohol. That is an important concern for those with substance abuse issues. But the alcohol content is often less than a very ripe banana's (0.2% to 0.5% alcohol-by-volume in the fruit, compared with the 12% to 15% with wine).(2) The probiotics of kombucha may be beneficial too. NA alternatives are as costly as regular offerings — or more. Muri has about six different blends available on its websites, each around £25 ($33.75) a bottle. Guinness 0.0% is more expensive than regular Guinness. That's because — while the market is potentially enormous — the new technologies and processes for making the beverages can't scale up yet. The customer base has to grow to make everything more affordable. As for mocktails, restaurants have to find and pay bartenders skilled in fermentation to come up with those kombuchas, which take time to cultivate. If such things concern you, my friend Jenny Sharaf, an artist based in Los Angeles and Copenhagen, has an alternative to consider: the Wa-tini. You can style it like a Martini — dirty with olive juice, or with a twist or an indulgent kiss of NA vermouth — all poured into the classic glass. But one ingredient is key: bitingly cold, clean water. Shaken or stirred? It's all in your head. More From Bloomberg Opinion: (1) The previous MAD symposium was held in 2018. Funding and, eventually, the pandemic put a halt to what had been an annual get-together of the restaurant and food world. The name derives from a play on Danish and English. Mad means 'food' in Danish (pronounced like 'mal' and a close cognate of the word 'meal'). The insanity stems from the free-flowing proceedings at the symposium, which are conducted under a distinctive, four-peaked magenta circus tent. (2) A graver concern with NA beverages is sugar content and how it might affect diabetics or pre-diabetics who usually face much less risk with wine. This column reflects the personal views of the author and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners. Howard Chua-Eoan is a columnist for Bloomberg Opinion covering culture and business. He previously served as Bloomberg Opinion's international editor and is a former news director at Time magazine. More stories like this are available on
Business Recorder
2 days ago
- Business
- Business Recorder
Beyond the divide: rethinking federal-provincial collaboration for economic transformation—I
As Pakistan stands at a critical economic crossroads—grappling with slow growth, rising debt, and deepening inequality, the need for deeper and more effective federal-provincial collaboration has never been more urgent. Real prosperity will not come from centralization or control, but from empowering provinces to be the architects of their own development. Stabilizing the economy, attracting foreign investment, and unlocking the country's vast untapped potential requires a governance model that empowers provinces to act as true partners in national development. While fiscal federalism is enshrined in Pakistan's constitutional framework, it remains weakened by fragmented planning, uncoordinated policymaking, and an inequitable allocation of resources. The 18th Constitutional Amendment marked a pivotal step toward decentralization, devolving significant powers to the provinces. Yet, the envisioned collaborative framework between federal and provincial tiers has struggled to take shape. This disconnect not only impedes coherent economic strategy but also undermines the ability of provinces to mobilize their unique assets. National prosperity depends on activating subnational growth engines—but a highly centralized system continues to restrict provincial autonomy in areas such as fiscal authority, investment facilitation, and infrastructure control. This article makes the case that unlocking Pakistan's true economic potential demands a bold reimagining of federal-provincial collaboration—one built on trust, accountability, and a commitment to shared national goals. Using Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) as a vivid example, it highlights both the immense opportunities and the systemic institutional hurdles holding back progress. The insights here are inspired by a compelling conversation between KP's Finance Minister Muzzamil Aslam and renowned economist Dr. Nadeemul Haq, whose perspectives shed light on the urgent need for reform. A flawed fiscal compact: rethinking the NFC and the federal-provincial contract The current fiscal framework, established under the 7th National Finance Commission (NFC) Award in 2010, allocates 57.5 percent of federal revenues to the provinces. While this arrangement was intended to strengthen provincial autonomy following the 18th Amendment, its promise is fading fifteen years on. Provinces have become heavily dependent on federal transfers, contributing only about 1 percent to the national tax-to-GDP ratio, while the federal government remains responsible for over 90% of revenue collection and all debt servicing. This imbalance has severely strained the federal budget, limiting its ability to invest in national priorities such as defence, infrastructure, and climate resilience. Meanwhile, provinces now bear the bulk of expenditures in critical sectors like health, education, and local development—but lack the fiscal tools and revenue authority to sustainably finance them. This mismatch is further exacerbated by IMF-imposed provincial primary surplus targets, which compel provinces to cut back on development spending to support federal deficit reduction efforts, even as their own service delivery obligations expand. The absence of integrated planning and data-sharing mechanisms between federal and provincial governments further compounds inefficiencies and leads to duplication of spending, particularly in overlapping service delivery sectors such asocial protection, health and education. A disjointed fiscal federation Despite constitutional devolution under the 18th Amendment, economic policymaking continues to be overly centralized. Key domains—such as excise duties on tobacco, electricity pricing, and mineral royalties—remain firmly within federal control, limiting provinces' ability to capitalize on their unique comparative advantages. For instance, KP produces 78 percent of Pakistan's tobacco—yet cannot set meaningful fiscal policies due to federal dominance over excise taxation. While the federal government earns over PKR 550 billion from tobacco excise, KP receives only 14.62 percent of the divisible pool, and its own provincial excise efforts are mired in legal challenges and regulatory overlaps. Despite its potential in green energy, minerals, tourism, and agriculture, KP remains confined by institutional and regulatory barriers: It cannot issue provincial bonds or access international finance without federal approval. It lacks control over transmission infrastructure and energy regulation. It has no dedicated investment authority for its diaspora, despite contributing nearly one-third of Pakistan's remittances. Visa restrictions and negative media portrayals deter investors, despite an impressive tourism safety record. Unfair electricity pricing: the green energy dilemma If provinces were empowered to lead their own energy policies, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) could help power half the country. With a hydropower potential exceeding 30,000 MW—of which 5,626 MW is already being generated from major projects like Tarbela, Warsak, and Gomal Zam—KP has a unique comparative advantage in clean, affordable energy. The province produces electricity at an average cost of PKR 7–8 per unit. Yet, paradoxically, it is forced to buy this electricity back from the national grid at exorbitant rates of PKR 65–72 per unit due to centralized pricing, rigid federal regulation by NEPRA, and prohibitive wheeling charges imposed by entities like NTDC and PESCO. This structural inefficiency discourages both public and private investment in local energy solutions. KP's attempts to sell surplus electricity directly to industries through bilateral wheeling arrangements have repeatedly stalled due to wheeling charges as high as PKR 27 per unit—rendering such transactions commercially unviable. More than 20 hydropower projects are currently under development, including Pehur, Ranolia, and DaralKhwar, but without timely federal approvals and grid access, many risk becoming stranded assets. The province has taken proactive steps to unlock its energy potential: hosting investor roadshows, crafting investment-friendly policies, and reaching out to the private sector. However, without federal alignment on transmission access, pricing, and regulatory autonomy, these efforts have limited impact. The consequences are serious. KP—despite its resource abundance—remains energy-poor. Industries face high electricity costs, household bills continue to rise, and potential job creation and economic growth are stifled. Households consume 56% of electricity in KP, followed by industries (24%) and commercial/government use, yet all segments bear the brunt of inflated tariffs driven by inefficiencies in the national system. Further compounding the issue is the prolonged delay in Net Hydel Profit (NHP) payments owed to KP by the federal government. These funds could have been reinvested to expand the province's renewable energy base and reduce dependency on expensive imports. The paradox is stark: a province rich in green energy is shackled by a centralized framework that neither rewards efficiency nor promotes equity. Unleashing KP's energy potential—by decentralizing authority, rationalizing wheeling charges, and ensuring timely NHP payments—could lower national energy costs, enhance industrial competitiveness, and drive sustainable economic growth both within the province and across Pakistan. Natural resources and neglected rights Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is not just an energy province — it's a national resource powerhouse. It contributes 52 percent of Pakistan's crude oil, 13 percent of natural gas, and 46 percent of LPG production. Its mining and quarrying sector grew by over 14 percent last year, driven by coal, oil, gas, and mineral extraction. Yet, despite this output, KP has little control over how these resources are priced, taxed, or managed. Federal constraints prevent KP from monetizing its share of oil and gas. Direct sales are restricted, provincial transmission capacity is limited, and key decisions—such as issuing exploration licenses—remain under federal control. This leaves KP dependent on federal disbursements, which are frequently delayed or contested, undermining fiscal stability and planning. The province's rich mineral and forest wealth also remains underutilized. KP holds 45% of Pakistan's forest cover and contributes more than half of the country's carbon sink, yet it receives no economic benefit—no carbon credits, no fiscal incentives, and no meaningful recognition for its environmental stewardship. Similarly, while the 18th Amendment devolved several sectors, others like tobacco remain under federal control. KP produces 78% of Pakistan's tobacco, but has no regulatory authority or revenue autonomy over it. In a functional federation, such contributions would be rewarded and leveraged. In Pakistan, they are often overlooked—leaving KP with vast resources but limited returns. Trade: a strategic gateway left closed Khyber Pakhtunkhwa's geography makes it a natural trade gateway to Afghanistan, Central Asia, and western China. Yet its strategic position remains underutilized. Ten out of twelve border terminals with Afghanistan remain non-operational, while KP is excluded from federal trade negotiations and infrastructure planning that directly affect its economic future. Local producers struggle to scale exports due to outdated logistics, non-tariff barriers, and inconsistent security protocols. The lack of provincial authority over trade and transport policy has choked KP's export potential and stifled regional trade integration. Despite its potential to become Pakistan's northern trade hub, KP is sidelined from economic diplomacy and denied the autonomy to pursue cross-border commerce. Until trade facilitation is devolved and provincial voices are included in national planning, the province's gateway advantage will remain blocked. Tourism: a powerhouse constrained Tourism is one of KP's most dynamic and fastest-growing sectors. The province attracted over 20 million domestic and 5,400 international visitors in 2024, contributing significantly to job creation and the services economy. With 45% of Pakistan's forests, dramatic mountain ranges, and rich cultural heritage, KP has all the ingredients of a global tourism destination. Yet this potential is held back by federal bottlenecks. Restrictive visa policies, mandatory NOCs for foreign tourists and investors, and the absence of national-level support for destination branding continue to constrain growth. Despite KP's strong safety record and improved infrastructure, outdated narratives in international and national media further dampen its appeal. There is also no institutional framework to channel remittances into tourism development. KP's diaspora contributes nearly one-third of the country's remittances, but the lack of a dedicated provincial investment authority means that capital remains untapped. To unlock KP's tourism economy, the province needs federal cooperation on visa liberalization, international promotion, and the establishment of a diaspora investment window. (To be continued) Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
Yahoo
4 days ago
- General
- Yahoo
From the Archives: June 4 in the Pioneer
Jun. 4—June 4, 2015 — The annual Ride for the Troops event will celebrate a decade of honoring the military with its 10th ride. Starting and finishing at Marketplace Foods, participants will travel through Becida, Naytahwaush, Itasca State Park and Shevlin, including stops in Zerkel and at the Rock Creek Convenience Store. June 4, 2000 — MeritCare Clinic in Bemidji officially broke ground Friday on a $7 million radiation therapy addition. Once completed, cancer patients will no longer need to leave Bemidji for radiation treatments. In addition to radiation therapy, the new center will also house same-day operating rooms. June 4, 1975 — The area north of First Street in Nymore has been completely sewered, some 5,000 feet of line, as the Nymore water and sewer project continues. Officials estimate that work on the project, 29,000 feet of sewer line and 33,000 feet of water line, will be substantially completed by this fall. June 4, 1925 — A crowd of over 200 people gathered at the new armory in Bemidji to hear Pussyfoot Johnson, one of the best-known anti-liquor speakers in the country, tell of his recent experiences in the Balkan states in Europe. Johnson said he believes the 18th Amendment in America is the forerunner of a dry world.
Express Tribune
6 days ago
- Politics
- Express Tribune
JAC demands Rs50b for university revival
The Joint Action Committee (JAC) of Peshawar University has voiced strong concerns over the provincial government's persistent neglect of public universities. During an emergency meeting chaired by JAC President Dr Zakirullah Jan, the committee demanded that the 2025-26 provincial budget allocate at least Rs50 billion for higher education. This funding, the JAC stated, is critical for timely payment of salaries and pensions, restoration of research and academic activities, and ensuring universities progress on a developmental trajectory. The meeting also included presidents and general secretaries of Class III, IV, and Sanitation Staff Associations. They warned that failure to meet these demands would result in a province-wide protest movement. Under the 18th Amendment to the Constitution, the provincial government is responsible for adequate funding of the higher education sector. JAC leaders pointed out that provinces such as Punjab and Sindh have already taken this responsibility seriously and continue to provide consistent financial support to their universities. However, K-P's government has neglected this constitutional duty. Universities across the province face a severe financial crisis, causing administrative, academic, and financial challenges. Delays in salaries and pensions, halted research and development, and declining academic standards have become daily realities. The JAC also urged newly appointed vice chancellors to break their silence and demand appropriate funding from the government, warning that their silence risks the future of higher education in the province. Dr Zakirullah Jan concluded, "We will not remain silent spectators while our educational institutions are being destroyed. The time for decisive action is now, and the ball is in the provincial government's court."
Business Recorder
26-05-2025
- Politics
- Business Recorder
Constitution (Amend) Bill: NA panel calls for taking all parties on board
ISLAMABAD: The National Assembly Standing Committee on Law and Justice, Monday, supported, 'The Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2025' and stressed the need to consult political leaders across parties on the proposed amendments to the Constitution. The 10th meeting of the Standing Committee on Law and Justice was held on Monday under the chairmanship of Chaudhry Mahmood Bashir Virk, MNA. The committee discussed, 'The Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2025' (Article 140-A) moved by Muhammad Jawed Hanif Khan, MNA. During deliberations, the mover emphasised that the 18th Amendment aimed to devolve powers to the grassroots level, but without a local government system, this goal remains unachieved. While members supported the bill's intent in principle, they agreed its success depends on political will and stressed the need to consult political leaders across parties. The committee was informed that, despite a prior formal request to all parliamentary leaders for their views on the proposed amendment, no responses have been received. Therefore, the committee recommended issuing a fresh reminder through the Ministry of Law and Justice and the committee to urge political leaders to submit their opinions, enabling further progress on the matter. The committee condemned the recent terrorist attacks in Balochistan, especially the tragic school bus incident, and expressed deep sorrow over the loss of innocent lives. Condolences were extended to the bereaved families. Meanwhile, the minutes of the meeting held on 30th April 2025 were approved. The committee considered the bills: The Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2024 (Article 175-A and 215) (moved by Asad Qaiser), The Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2025 (Article 59), and The Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2024 (Article 51 and 106) (moved by Naveed Aamir, MNA). During deliberations, the committee noted that despite repeated inclusion on the agenda, the movers consistently failed to attend. Accordingly, the committee, unanimously, recommended that the bills should not be passed by the assembly. The committee considered the bill, 'The Code of Civil Procedure (Amendment) Bill, 2024' (Section 54-A) (moved by Sofia Saeed Shah, MNA). During the discussion, it was noted that the mover was unwell, leading to a request to defer the bill. The committee also recalled that the Ministry of Law and Justice had promised to share a draft of related amendments to the Land Revenue Act but had not yet done so due to short notice. The Ministry assured the draft would be provided before the next meeting. Considering these factors, the bill was deferred. MNAs Zara Wadood Fatemi, Kiran Haider, Syed Hafeezuddin, Ali Muhammad Khan, Umair Khan Niazi, Hassan Sabir, Aliya Kamran, Sohail Sultan, Javid Hanif Khan, Minister of State for Law and Justice, secretary, Ministry of Law and Justice, along with relevant staff attended the meeting. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
