Latest news with #73rd
Hans India
9 hours ago
- Politics
- Hans India
Revanth Government Hesitating to Conduct Local Body Elections, Alleges BJP in Ayija
Gadwal: The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leaders in Ayija town have strongly criticized the Telangana state government, led by Chief Minister Revanth Reddy, for its continued delay in conducting local body elections. Addressing a press conference organized at the BJP office in Ayija, the town BJP president Kampati Bhagat Reddy accused the state government of intentionally avoiding the elections due to a lack of courage to face the people. He reminded the media that the schedule for these elections was expected to be announced in mid-February this year, yet there has been no progress since. > 'Despite knowing that the delay in conducting local body elections may lead to the stoppage of central government funds, the Revanth government continues to procrastinate,' Bhagat Reddy stated. He emphasized that Panchayati Raj institutions, the third tier of India's democratic governance structure, are being neglected by the state administration. The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments were introduced to empower rural and urban local bodies respectively, promoting decentralization, self-governance, and accountability. However, the state government, he claimed, is ignoring this spirit by bypassing elected local bodies and instead routing development activities through various non-representative institutions. > 'Such parallel institutions do not reflect the aspirations and needs of the local population,' he argued, adding that strengthening Panchayats would reduce the financial burden on the state treasury and lead to more sustainable development. Bhagat Reddy accused the government of weakening the financial and administrative autonomy of Panchayats for the sake of maintaining political and economic control, thereby undermining transparency and local governance. He further alleged that the Revanth Reddy-led administration is avoiding elections not only because of public dissatisfaction but also due to internal issues within the ruling party. These include: Failure to implement six key promises made during the elections, A governance paralysis due to the state's reluctance to release funds even for minor works, Lack of coordination among ministers, Public dissatisfaction voiced openly by several MLAs, And the absence of constituency development funds, making it difficult for MLAs to face their constituents. 'Even after more than one and a half years since the expiration of the term of the local body representatives, the government has not provided any clarity on when the elections will be held,' he added. The press meet witnessed participation from other BJP leaders including SC Morcha State Executive Committee member Madanna, Town Vice Presidents Bellamkonda Nagaraju and Veeresh Goud, as well as Lakshmanachari, G. Raghu, Madhavachari, and Raju. They collectively demanded that the state government honor the Constitution, empower local self-governments, and immediately announce the election schedule for Panchayat and municipal bodies.
Hindustan Times
3 days ago
- Health
- Hindustan Times
Punjab's rural dispensaries crumble amid urban health push, staff freeze
Chandigarh: Despite the Punjab government's push for urban healthcare reforms, rural healthcare in the state remains in crisis. Even as the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government announced new initiatives such as 1,000 additional MBBS posts in the Punjab Civil Medical Services (PCMS), hundreds of rural dispensaries continue to operate without medical staff or basic infrastructure, people familiar with the matter said. A total of 1,186 rural dispensaries were set up in Punjab under the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments in 2006 to provide healthcare through Panchayati Raj Institutions and bring basic medical services closer to villagers. However, a majority of these dispensaries are not functioning as intended. More than 600 dispensaries across the state do not have a single medical officer (MO) posted, leaving rural residents without access to essential healthcare, said an official privy to the matter. Doctors reassigned, dispensaries neglected In 2017, a total of 129 dispensaries were transferred from the rural development department to the health department in a bid to improve management. However, many of the medical officers were reassigned to primary health centres (PHCs) and urban health centres (UHCs), leaving the rural dispensaries understaffed and dysfunctional. Currently, only 530 rural medical officers (RMOs) work under the zila parishads, insufficient to cover all the rural healthcare centres. In areas like Mansa, Bathinda, Sangrur and Ferozepur, rural residents are forced to travel 30 to 40 kilometres to access basic medical treatment. Amarjeet Kaur, a resident near Barnala, said: 'Our dispensary opens only occasionally and there is no doctor. We are given a few tablets, but for serious illness, we have to go to the city.' No staff recruitment Health workers and rural residents say there has been no recruitment for rural dispensaries in over a decade. Rajesh Sharma, secretary of the Rural Medical Services Association (RMSA), criticised the Punjab government for ignoring rural healthcare needs. 'While urban areas get more clinics and facilities, village dispensaries are being ignored,' Sharma said. 'Bureaucrats, backed by urban doctors with vested interests, have misinformed political leadership, stalling recruitment,' he added. Sharma also raised concerns about the government's announcement of new medical officer posts, suggesting that doctors may not be posted to rural areas. 'In the past, doctors have been assigned to rural centres on paper but continue to work in urban hospitals,' he added. Infrastructure in ruins In addition to staffing shortages, many rural dispensaries lack basic infrastructure such as electricity, water and furniture. There are also issues with medicine supply, with stocks often running out for months at a time. According to a doctor working in rural Punjab, 'there is an erratic supply of medicines. Some dispensaries have medicine for only two or three months a year'. Rural healthcare activists point out that while the SAD-BJP government had made improvements, things started to deteriorate under the Congress government from 2017 to 2022, and now, under the AAP government, the system seems to be in complete neglect. While the rural development minister and secretary could not be reached for comment despite repeated attempts, an official from the department acknowledged the issue. 'We are aware of the shortage and have flagged it with higher authorities. We are working on how to fill vacancies and recruit doctors, particularly in remote areas where PCMS doctors are unwilling to work,' the official said, requesting anonymity. The official also mentioned that the department has begun the process of procuring medicines for rural dispensaries and aims to resolve supply chain issues.
Yahoo
29-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
The missing ingredient holding back Trump's first 100 days
By the standards of his predecessors, President Donald Trump's first 100 days back in office falls far short in terms of lasting achievements — and his overall popularity, for that matter. The phenomenon of the first 100 days in office became political legend, and hence, a milestone marker for the modern presidency, after President Franklin D. Roosevelt's explosive first term. But this somewhat arbitrary measurement has helped foster a profound misunderstanding of the way the federal government was designed to work. The mythic air surrounding Roosevelt's first 100 days established it as a standard for executive prowess, given the speed at which his New Deal program coalesced and helped stem the worst effects of the Great Depression. But the plaudits the White House received for that burst of energy should be at the very least shared with was on Capitol Hill that the New Deal went from concept to law, a flexing of legislative muscle and cornerstone for Roosevelt's success. As we look at Trump's decidedly unimpressive start, it's worth remembering that without a willing and ready Congress to act in concert with FDR, the New Deal would have been no deal at all. When Roosevelt came into office at the start of 1933, the country was no longer in economic free fall but saw little stability or sign of recovery. The ongoing ripples of the stock market crash almost four years prior still left tens of millions of Americans unemployed and banks teetering on the verge of collapse. President Herbert Hoover took much of the political blame for his sclerotic response. His fellow Republican lawmakers also paid the price at the ballot box the previous fall, having passed harsh tariffs that accelerated the economic devastation. As a result, Democrats held an overwhelming majority of seats in the 73rd Congress when it first convened. The 20th Amendment hadn't yet taken effect, meaning the newly elected members wouldn't be seated until December. Rather than wait, Roosevelt called a special session that March, the day after he was inaugurated, to address the economic crisis. Newly elected Speaker Henry T. Rainey of Illinois controlled over two-thirds of the House's votes, holding 311 seats to the GOP's 117. Rainey's Senate counterpart, Majority Leader Joseph Robinson, D-Ark., and his fellow Democrats outnumbered the GOP by 58 to 36. While Trump's administration claims to have received an 'unprecedented mandate,' the people had delivered Roosevelt a real one, prompting a legislative maelstrom the likes of which the country had never seen before. More than a dozen major laws were passed, including the Emergency Banking Act, the Tennessee Valley Authority Act and the Federal Emergency Relief Act. 'When FDR ran low on measures and found members running out of steam, he prudently dismissed them and from June until December governed with the Congress out of town,' political scientist Richard Neustadt wrote in a 2001 essay critiquing the 100 days metric. 'From his call until adjournment, that special session had lasted one hundred days,' establishing a precedent that most future presidents would find fairness, it wasn't exactly as though Congress was taking the lead in crafting the New Deal. Most of the legislation that passed during the special session was developed on the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue. Once it reached Congress, Rainey and Robinson ensured there was little debate over many of the provisions and fewer changes — the Emergency Banking Act was passed less than seven hours after the special session began. And the Supreme Court would later nullify several of the laws hurried through the chambers as unconstitutional, dulling the pace of the rapid transformations that Roosevelt had sought. But the laws that formed the backbone of Roosevelt's agenda were still passed by the democratically elected members of Congress. Those members in turn were overwhelmingly sent to Washington by voters clamoring for bold action to staunch the crisis. Other presidents have attempted to similarly use their early political capital to varying degrees of success, even when their parties have also held a trifecta in Washington. It took another 40 years for Democrats to hold a large enough majority again to lay the cornerstone of President Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society program in 1965. More often there have been roadblocks and stumbles that have left novice presidents trying to regain their footing. These last few months have been an oddity — Trump has been president before but still tried to reap the political benefits of a new administration. Without the learning curve most new presidents require, and a friendly majority in both chambers of Congress, the stage was set for him to begin a lasting transformation of the country. But there's been little to show from Congress at this point. Trump has only signed five bills into law so far, fewer than in any new presidency over the last 70 years. That sluggishness can in part be laid at the feet of the razor-thin margin the GOP holds in the House. Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., simply lacks the votes needed for the kinds of sweeping changes to the law that Trump's agenda would require. In the absence of new legislation, the White House has sought to govern via emergency declaration. And absent the real emergency that FDR faced, the White House has instead tried to manufacture it, attempting to stretch executive actions beyond their bounds in the process. None of this is to completely write off the prospect of congressional Republicans and Trump working more in concert moving forward. There's still a chance for major changes to come via the budget reconciliation bill that the House and Senate are now working to craft. But if the first 100 days are meant to be the time when the political winds are blowing in the president's favor, it's hard to see how the sailing gets much smoother for Trump from here. This article was originally published on
