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Al-Ahram Weekly
an hour ago
- Politics
- Al-Ahram Weekly
The Kurdish scheme - World - Al-Ahram Weekly
The Kurdish Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) just might be exploiting sectarian tensions in the south and west to its own ends The outbreak of sectarian violence in the Sweida Governorate, south of Damascus, in July, together with earlier attacks on the Alawite community in western Syria in March, has given Kurdish political forces grounds to reject demands from the central government in Damascus and Turkey to disarm. But are they leveraging the situation to press for the preservation of their de facto autonomy as a distinctively Kurdish political and cultural entity? The military arm of AANES, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), has declared that 'disarmament is a red line.' The interim authorities in Damascus responded that 'the refusal to disarm and the insistence on maintaining an armed formation is categorically unacceptable.' They also accused the Kurds of 'using the events in Sweida and [Latakia] to justify refusing to merge under the authority of the government and to cast aspersions on government's intentions.' Such actions were 'flagrant attempts to manipulate public opinion and distort the facts.' AANES fears that the recent surge in sectarian incidents could drive Syria to a dangerous precipice. It has warned of the existential crisis for the Syrian state and its diverse society should these incidents trigger larger eruptions across regional or sectarian divides. In a statement, AANES described the attacks on the predominantly Druze towns and villages in Sweida as 'a setback to the hopes and aspirations of the Syrian people.' It lamented the numerous deaths of civilians and condemned the looting and burning of dozens of homes and farms. Echoing this view, the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC), on 22 July, warned that the events in Sweida were not isolated incidents but rather a vivid manifestation of the general collapse of political and institutional structures in Syria. This deterioration was the product of decades of exclusion, tyranny, marginalisation of elements of the nation, and failure on the part of the central government to sustain diversity and maintain civil peace. The foregoing statement may hint at reasons why AANES and its military and political bodies would use recent events to justify dragging their feet on the implementation of the March 2025 Agreement to integrate into centralised state institutions. From the perspective of the Kurdish national movement, any centralised state might marginalise minorities or ignore their identity-related political and cultural demands. At the same time, the Kurds are wary of Turkey's strategic aim of preventing any autonomous Kurdish entity from developing along its southern flank. From a practical standpoint, the SDF might therefore see the government's preoccupation with events in the south combined with the Israeli military escalation as a window to achieve at least two ends: to impose de facto realities that would throw a spanner into the process of integrating Kurdish forces into the army and to neutralise Turkish pressures on the Kurdish-controlled regions. Turkey, too, is concerned by the highly volatile situation in Syria and its implications for the Turkish project there. On 19 July, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan cautioned Kurdish forces against taking advantage of the situation in Sweida to achieve territorial gains . Claiming that Ankara had received intelligence on possible Kurdish manoeuvres, Fidan said the Kurds 'must refrain from exploiting the chaos in Syria or engaging in reckless adventures that will further complicate the situation. Opportunism at this stage could have grave consequences.' Ankara also views reports of ties between the SDF and Druze militia factions through a similar lens: it is wary of any development that might undermine its efforts to shape the situation in Syria to align with Turkey's strategic interests. Some commentators have suggested that SDF support for Druze factions in Sweida may be motivated by a desire to align with Israel's stated policy of protecting the Druze minority. According to this view, the Kurds calculate that, in developing ties with the Druze, Israel would be induced to assist SDF militarily and politically to counter pressures from the central government or from Turkey. In addition, Israel would persuade Washington not to withdraw its support for the SDF. Meanwhile, by exploiting unrest in Sweida, the SDF could derail or at least delay the indirect negotiations currently in progress between Damascus and Tel Aviv, thereby increasing the prospects of Israeli support for Kurdish aspirations of autonomy. In light of the foregoing, the Kurdish forces may shift to a strategy of deliberately fuelling sectarian tensions in order to build up pressure on the central government in Damascus, thereby enhancing the prospects of Kurdish autonomy within a federal system. This helps explain the Kurdish forces' state of high alert in northeastern Syria . Against the backdrop of clashes in Sweida between the Druze, Bedouins and regime forces, the Kurds fear they will be the next target on the regime's list after the Druze and Alawites. On the other hand, the type of speculation that ticks certain boxes against the politically charged climate in Syria may serve to deflect the blame for the current deterioration. But could it also be intended to create a Kurdish scapegoat? Perhaps this may explain the Kurdish forces' state of high alert in northeastern Syria. * A version of this article appears in print in the 6 August, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:
Memri
3 days ago
- Politics
- Memri
The Integration Trap: Erasing Kurdish Autonomy In Syria's Reconstruction
As Syria enters a new chapter of political transition, Kurdish leaders are sounding the alarm: current negotiations with Damascus may mask a deeper threat – one not of reconciliation, but of erasure. After years of fighting ISIS and building a pluralistic, self-governing region, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) now finds its existence challenged by the resurgence of centralized power under Abu Mohammad Al-Jolani, whose ascent from Islamist militia leader to head of Syria's transitional government has reignited fears of forced assimilation. For Kurdish officials, this moment is not just a diplomatic crossroads – it is a test of survival, identity, and the future of decentralized democracy in post-Assad Syria. Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) For The Kurds, "Integration" Means Mutual Recognition Within A Decentralized State Ilham Ahmed, Foreign Affairs Chief of AANES, noted in a recent interview with Rudaw that discussions with Damascus remain informal. "We have made some progress, but we are far from formal agreements," she said. "We do not want to break away from Syria. We want a democratic, decentralized system that respects everyone's rights." Farhad Shami, spokesperson for the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), echoed this sentiment on Al-Youm TV on July 23, 2025, declaring that the SDF's weapons are "a red line" that will not be surrendered. "We are negotiating with Damascus as equals, not subordinates," he stated. "This is about Syria's future – not just the SDF. Damascus's approach deepens divisions and invites foreign intervention." Shami warned that Jolani's policies – like those seen in the recent Suwayda clashes – could further destabilize Syria if left unchecked. For the Kurds, "integration" means mutual recognition within a decentralized state – one that honors their identity, governance structures, and cultural institutions rooted in a shared history across Kurdistan, which spans Syria, Iraq, Turkey, and Iran. Their vision promotes equal rights for all communities, including Druze, Christians, and Alawites, with the authority to govern and secure their own territories. In stark contrast, Jolani's transitional government demands assimilation: The SDF must disband, and Kurdish fighters are to join the Syrian army as individuals – effectively dismantling Kurdish autonomy and silencing their cultural legacy. This vision dangerously echoes the pre-2011 authoritarianism of the Assad regimes, when diverse identities were suppressed or manipulated for political leverage. For Kurds, elevating "Syrianness" above Kurdish identity dilutes their negotiating power. Syrian Kurds must clearly assert their national rights and embrace their identity as part of a broader Kurdish people dispersed across four countries. Pride in their heritage and explicit demands for recognition are critical to resisting Damascus's centralizing push. Critics argue that Kurdish leaders have been overly cautious in their political rhetoric, avoiding firm declarations of nationhood. Unlike the Druze, who openly demand federalism or even separation, Kurdish representatives often sidestep discussions of Kurdish unity. This strategic hesitancy, many believe, weakens their position and enables actors like U.S. Ambassador to Turkey and Special Envoy to Syria, Tom Barrack, to treat Kurdish autonomy as transient or negotiable. U.S. Special Envoy Tom Barrack Aligns Himself With Jolani's Centralist Approach Complicating matters is U.S. Special Envoy Tom Barrack, who now dominates Washington's Syria policy. On July 11, he rejected federalism outright, stating, "Federalism doesn't work. You can't have independent non-nation states within a nation," aligning himself with Jolani's centralist approach.[1] His stance has provoked mounting criticism – particularly from Republican lawmakers – amid the massacres in Suwayda and growing evidence of minority repression under Jolani's regime. Barrack's remarks reveal a deeper alignment with Turkish priorities, praising Ankara as "key" to a new Middle East peace roadmap and asserting that "there's only going to be one nation-state that we're going to deal with, and that's the government of Syria."[2] His dismissal of autonomous regions like AANES and preference for centralized control raise concerns that U.S. policy may be shaped more by personal ties to Turkey than by realities on the ground in Syria. Although Barrack later moderated his stance under pressure, his vision prioritizes Arabic language and Arab identity, neglecting Syria's complex cultural mosaic. His rejection of decentralization risks empowering Arab nationalists and Islamist factions while undermining the inclusive governance model pioneered by the AANES. In sharp contrast, Walid Phares, former adviser to U.S. President Donald Trump, presents a pluralistic path forward. In an interview with Kurdistan24 on July 27, he asserted that Syria's political future hinges on "mutual recognition" between the central government and its various communities. Without it, Phares warns, Syria risks returning to the oppressive structures of the Assad era. He highlights the Kurds as "the most powerful force on the ground in Syria outside the regime," and argues that expecting them to disarm without robust political guarantees is unrealistic – given their decade-long fight against ISIS with American support.[3] Advocating for a federal model, Phares points to countries like Switzerland, Canada, Belgium, and the Kurdistan Region as successful examples of multiethnic states built on regional recognition. Despite their numerical disadvantage, the Druze have taken a more outspoken approach. Since 2023, Suwayda's Druze protests have called for self-rule, with some leaders reportedly exploring ties with Israel to escape state marginalization. On July 13, 2025, the abduction of a Druze merchant sparked deadly clashes, killing over 1,100 people – including Druze fighters, civilians, and Syrian troops – according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. In response, Israel launched airstrikes on July 15-16, targeting Syrian military sites in Damascus and Suwayda. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the strikes aimed to protect the Druze and halt Syrian military advances. The depth of Druze frustration was underscored in two public declarations. One religious leader warned, "If Syria does not become a federal state, we will separate and join Israel or join Kurds." More recently, Sheikh Marwan Kiwan stated: "The only national path is that of the Syrian Democratic Forces. If integration with the SDF in northeast Syria is impossible, and if they cannot lead the transitional phase, then we demand to join Israel. Israel is our friend; it stood by us." These statements reflect not just discontent with centralized control but a broader political pivot toward potential realignment – with Kurds or Israel – as a shield against continued marginalization. Following Bashar Al-Assad's fall in December 2024, Israel has positioned itself as an ally to Syria's minority groups. In May 2025, then-Foreign Minister Gideon Saar voiced support for Kurdish autonomy,[4] viewing Kurdish forces as a stabilizing counterweight to Islamist groups and Turkish influence. Jolani's Vision Demands Full Absorption Into A Centralized Arab Nation-State – A Model That Threatens Kurdish Cultural Erasure And Long-Standing Minority Rights At the heart of the impasse are competing definitions of integration. Ahmed and Shami promote a decentralized model that preserves Kurdish institutions and embraces pluralism. "That centralized system fueled Syria's civil war," Ahmed noted. "Forcing it again will only spark more conflict." In contrast, Jolani's vision demands full absorption into a centralized Arab nation-state – a model that threatens Kurdish cultural erasure and long-standing minority rights. A pivotal shift came on July 17, when State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce clarified that Washington "does not oppose federalism or self-governance," affirming that "Syria's future is in the hands of its people." This recognition opens space for federalism to emerge as a Syrian-led solution. With the international spotlight elsewhere, Damascus will try to extract concessions through military pressure or attritional diplomacy. Turkey's backing of Jolani's transitional government only intensifies the threat. While U.S. policy under Barrack remains ambiguous, Kurdish representatives remain resolute: the SDF will not disband, and the AANES will not barter its identity for hollow inclusion. In the face of forced centralization and waning international attention, Syrian Kurds must do more than endure – they must assert their identity boldly, unapologetically, and visibly. Their heritage is not a footnote to Syria's reconstruction – it is a foundation. And its survival depends on recognition, resilience, and the right to flourish freely in their ancestral homeland. *Azado Kurdian is a Kurdish scholar and expert on Kurdish, Turkish and Syrian affairs.
Asharq Al-Awsat
6 days ago
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
SDF Arms Dispute Derails Planned Syria Talks in Paris
A planned meeting in Paris between Syria's government and the Kurdish-led administration in northeast Syria has been postponed without explanation, the Kurdish delegation said on Thursday, as tensions persist over the future of the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The talks, originally scheduled for Friday with participation from the US envoy to Syria, French Foreign Minister, and representatives from Britain and Germany, were seen as part of a Western-backed effort to revive negotiations between Damascus and the Kurdish-led Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). But Syrian state television quoted an unnamed government source saying Damascus 'has not and will not accept any discourse based on threats or preconditions that contradict the principle of state unity.' The source warned against 'attempts to preserve armed formations or seek separation from state institutions,' saying such moves would only deepen division and tension. 'There is no room for any call for an 'independent identity,'' the official added, calling it 'a rejected separatist invitation' and reiterating that the only path to a sustainable political solution lies in returning to the 'fold of the state' and holding serious national dialogue under Syrian sovereignty and without foreign agendas. The source also dismissed 'preconditions' for any intra-Syrian dialogue and said any insistence on maintaining armed groups outside state control was incompatible with building a unified national army. Karim Qamar, the AANES representative in France, confirmed the postponement in comments to the Kurdish Hawar News Agency, saying the delegation had not yet arrived in Paris and there was no confirmed agenda for meetings with French or European officials. The US and France, along with other Western capitals, had been working to bring the two sides together after a July 19 meeting in Amman involving US envoy Ethan Goldrich, Syrian Foreign Minister Faisal Mekdad, and SDF commander Mazloum Abdi reportedly yielded 'significant progress,' according to Kurdish sources cited by Asharq Al-Awsat. The proposed Paris meeting was expected to focus on integrating SDF forces into the Syrian army and incorporating the AANES's local governance structures into national institutions — a core sticking point in long-standing negotiations. Speaking on Wednesday to Al-Youm TV, which is affiliated with the AANES, SDF spokesperson Farhad Shami said the group considered its weapons 'a red line' and viewed them as 'Syrian arms that cannot be handed over.' Shami said the key dispute with Damascus revolved around whether SDF fighters would join the army as individuals or as a unified bloc. 'We are ready to integrate as a single unit, not as individuals. Our negotiations are not a surrender but a dialogue between equals,' he said. But the Syrian government source pushed back in an interview with state-run Ikhbariya TV, stating: 'No military entity outside the official Syrian army can be considered part of the state's structure,' and reiterated that any effort to maintain armed factions independent of state control would hinder a comprehensive national solution. Kurdish sources familiar with the negotiations told Asharq Al-Awsat that Abdi's delegation had agreed with Damascus on 'broad outlines,' including retaining the SDF as a distinct formation within a single army corps, with subordinate units based in Raqqa, Deir al-Zor, and Hasakah — areas under the group's current control. The talks in Paris, now on hold, were to be a test of whether months of quiet backchannel diplomacy could overcome entrenched mistrust — particularly over the SDF's military status and the future of Kurdish self-rule in a post-war Syria.
Shafaq News
13-07-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
AANES: Syria dialogue marks new era for solution
Shafaq News – Qamishli On Sunday, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) declared that its latest talks with the Syrian government represent a turning point toward a Syrian political settlement. In an official statement, AANES thanked the United States and France for their 'support for peace, stability, and democracy in Syria,' emphasizing that sustainable solutions can only be reached through responsible, inclusive dialogue. AANES reaffirmed its commitment to Syria's territorial unity as a 'non-negotiable principle' and rejected accusations of separatism, asserting that its calls for decentralization, social justice, gender equality, and inclusive constitutional guarantees align with the original goals of the 2011 uprising. Blaming decades of centralized rule for the country's repeated crises, the administration expressed readiness to integrate into national institutions on a democratic basis, contribute to drafting a new constitution, and called on all political forces to reject incitement and safeguard the dialogue process. Tensions persist between the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the Syrian army units, despite a March agreement aimed at integrating the SDF into a restructured Syrian state. A core dispute remains over the SDF's demand to retain its autonomous command and territorial control in the northeast, while Damascus insists on full integration under a centralized military structure.
Shafaq News
22-06-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Syrian aviation authority blocks AANES move on Qamishli Airport
Shafaq News/ On Saturday evening, the Syrian Civil Aviation Authority (SCAA) issued a statement rejecting the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria's (AANES) recent decision to establish a new authority for managing Qamishli International Airport. The SCAA stressed that the closure is binding on all local and international aviation entities, adding that it is the sole legally authorized body to manage airports and oversee air traffic within Syrian airspace. It further warned that any attempt to operate or utilize the airport without coordination with Damascus constitutes a violation of international aviation regulations. On June 19, the Executive Council of the AANES issued a decree establishing a general administration for Qamishli Airport, claiming authority over its operations. The council declared the move effective immediately and called on relevant parties to adhere to the new structure. Qamishli Airport has remained closed to civilian flights since the fall of the Al-Assad regime late last year. Since then, only Russian military aircraft have used the facility. Government institutions such as civil courts, population registries, and directorates of civil affairs, immigration, and passports also remain inactive in AANES-held areas, raising the risk of further administrative and political escalation.
