logo
#

Latest news with #AbuMohammadAlJulani

This bond could shape a new Middle East
This bond could shape a new Middle East

Russia Today

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • Russia Today

This bond could shape a new Middle East

After the fall of the Assad regime on December 8, 2024, Syria underwent a sharp shift in its political configuration. A fragmented coalition of opposition forces came to power, led by the group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (banned in Russia). The leader of the transitional period became Ahmed al-Sharaa, better known by his former name, Abu Mohammad al-Julani. However, few have seriously considered what the real position of the new authorities within Syria itself would be. The formal seizure of power and control over the capital does not necessarily mean stability or recognition from the entire Syrian society. The country remains deeply fragmented – along ideological, ethnic, sectarian, and territorial lines. The fragmented opposition, despite its nominal unification under a political umbrella, faces enormous challenges: the absence of a unified governance mechanism, competition among various factions, internal mistrust, and pressure from both local field commanders and external sponsors. Furthermore, large segments of the population, exhausted by years of war, may view the new authorities with skepticism or even hostility – especially considering the participation of radical elements in the new leadership. Therefore, the key question remains not only maintaining external legitimacy but also whether the new administration can build a sustainable governance system, provide basic public services, restore the economy, and achieve even minimal societal consensus. It is worth noting that immediately after the fall of Assad, the West and a number of global media outlets were quick to proclaim what they called a 'Russian defeat in the Middle East.' The media sphere was filled with predictions about the complete withdrawal of the Russian military contingent from Syrian territory, and the loss of Moscow's strategic positions and influence in the region. However, the course of events proved to be entirely different. The new authorities in Damascus, despite the internal political transformation, clearly recognize the role and importance of Russia as one of the key foreign policy actors, influencing both Syria's internal stability and broader regional and global processes. Moreover, representatives of the transitional government have expressed their interest in maintaining constructive relations with Moscow – including cooperation in the areas of security, economics, and post-war reconstruction. Less than two months after the change of power in Damascus, on January 28, 2025, the first official foreign delegation arrived in Syria – a Russian interdepartmental mission. The visit became an important foreign policy signal and effectively marked the beginning of a new stage in relations between Moscow and the new Syrian leadership. At that time, the Special Representative of the President of Russia for the Middle East and Africa, Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Bogdanov, held talks with the head of the new Syrian administration, al-Sharaa. In a statement issued by the Syrian authorities following the meeting, it was emphasized that the parties discussed 'issues of restoring relations' between Syria and Russia. 'The Russian side confirmed its support for the positive changes currently taking place in Syria. The talks included discussions about Russia's role in rebuilding relations with the Syrian people through concrete measures such as compensation and assistance with reconstruction,' the statement said. The head of the new Syrian administration, in turn, expressed his commitment to principled engagement with all interested parties, emphasizing that Syria's future must be built on the foundations of justice, dignity, and sovereignty. The statement also noted that the restoration of relations with former foreign partners must take into account the lessons of the past, respect the will of the Syrian people, and, above all, serve their interests. Thus, the visit of the Russian delegation became not only a symbolic gesture recognizing the new political reality in Syria but also a sign of both sides' desire to reconsider the format of cooperation in the context of rapid changes within the country and in the region as a whole. A logical continuation of the political dialogue between Moscow and the new administration in Damascus was the reciprocal visit of a Syrian delegation to Russia. The visit was led by Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shibani and Defense Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra. This step was not only a symbol of Damascus's desire to strengthen bilateral relations but also an important signal to the entire region about its intention to preserve its strategic partnership with Moscow. Russian President Vladimir Putin received al-Shibani at the Kremlin. A large delegation of representatives from the transitional administration accompanied him to Moscow, highlighting the seriousness of the Syrian side's approach to developing interstate cooperation. On July 31, al-Shibani also held talks with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. The head of Russian diplomacy stressed that Moscow is closely monitoring the development of the transitional period in Syria and expressed hope that the Syrian people would be able to overcome the current challenges and restore normal life in the country. During the meeting, Lavrov also invited Syrian interim president al-Sharaa to participate in the upcoming Russia–Arab League summit scheduled for October 15 – an important step toward Syria's reintegration into the regional diplomatic arena. Al-Shibani, in turn, confirmed the new Syrian leadership's interest in deepening cooperation with Russia, including in the areas of foreign policy, security, and economic recovery. As part of the visit, Russian Defense Minister Andrey Belousov also met with his Syrian counterpart, Abu Qasra. They discussed prospects for military-technical cooperation and the situation in the Middle East as a whole. Both sides emphasized the importance of coordinating efforts in combating remaining pockets of extremism and maintaining regional stability. All recent contacts between Moscow and Damascus clearly demonstrate the new Syrian authorities' interest in preserving and developing their partnership with Russia – even in the face of obvious and growing pressure from Western countries. The new administration in Damascus, having come to power amid a deep internal and external crisis, understands that sustainable recovery in Syria is impossible without strategic allies. And Russia, with its military, diplomatic, and economic capabilities, remains such an ally. Undoubtedly, Moscow also shows a measured interest in strengthening ties with Syria's new political reality. Given the vast investments – both political and military – made over years of conflict, Russia is keen to maintain its influence in the region and assist in the formation of a stable governance system in Damascus. It is expected that al-Sharaa will visit Russia in October this year to participate in the high-level Russia–Arab League summit. If held, this visit could become a milestone in shaping a new diplomatic architecture for Syrian–Russian relations. Relations between Moscow and Damascus have deep historical roots. Since the early 1950s, the Soviet Union – and later Russia – has consistently provided Syria with military, economic, and technical support. During the Cold War, and especially throughout the Arab-Israeli conflicts, Moscow was one of the few reliable foreign policy partners for Damascus. This relationship was not purely pragmatic; it was founded on ideological solidarity, mutual respect, and shared geopolitical interests. Today, against the backdrop of escalating Israeli aggression and the West's overt silence in response to regular airstrikes on Syrian territory, the issue of national security has become more critical than ever for Damascus. The new leadership must urgently formulate a strategy to protect the country from further fragmentation and external interference. Despite ongoing engagement with Ankara and a degree of pragmatism in its relations with Türkiye, many Syrian politicians and military officials still view Russia as the only power truly capable of strengthening Syria's defense capabilities. Only Moscow possesses the necessary resources, political will, and regional authority to act as a guarantor of Syria's territorial integrity, a deterrent against external threats, and a reliable partner in the country's national revival. Russia remains not only an important military-political partner of Syria, but also a key trade and economic partner, whose role is difficult to overstate in the context of post-war reconstruction. Amid destroyed infrastructure and severe resource shortages, it is Russia that is seen as capable of playing a decisive role in ensuring Syria's food security. Stable supplies of Russian grain, fertilizers, and fuel are already viewed in Damascus as the foundation for stabilizing the domestic market and ensuring basic social standards for the population. Beyond this, humanitarian ties between the two countries have traditionally played an important role. Russia has long been one of the primary destinations for Syrian students pursuing higher education abroad. Hundreds of Syrians study annually at Russian universities – from medical schools to engineering and public administration institutes. Many of them return home to become the backbone of Syria's professional class, which is especially vital for restoring state institutions. Historically, Russia has played a significant role in training Syrian professionals in critical fields such as healthcare, construction, energy, and public administration. During both the Soviet and post-Soviet periods, Russia educated a substantial number of Syrian specialists who later ensured the functioning of key sectors in the Syrian economy and social system. In today's shifting international environment, shaped by broad geopolitical changes, Damascus is acutely aware of the evolving nature of the global order. The collective West, once a unified political bloc, is now fragmented. The Trump administration, having returned to power in the US, behaves increasingly unpredictably on the world stage – focusing on domestic priorities and demonstrating reduced strategic engagement in the Middle East. Meanwhile, EU countries are mired in their own crises – energy, social, and institutional – and are incapable of formulating a coherent, unified policy toward the region, particularly in the context of their protracted confrontation with Russia. Amid this context, the shift in the global balance of power is becoming increasingly evident. The center of gravity in world politics and economics is gradually moving toward the so-called 'Global Majority' – nations outside the Western alliance. The growing influence of organizations such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is becoming a defining feature of the new world order. In these frameworks, Russia is not merely a participant but one of the leading powers shaping an alternative agenda based on sovereignty, non-interference, and multipolarity. The new Syrian administration understands these dynamics and is striving to shape its foreign policy in accordance with the new realities. Damascus is working to diversify its international partnerships – deepening its strategic alliance with Russia, developing relations with China, Iran, India, and other non-Western powers, while also leaving room for pragmatic dialogue with Western countries, based on national interests and the principle of sovereign equality. In the context of Syria's transitional phase and national renewal, preserving and expanding these ties takes on strategic importance. Educational and humanitarian programs between Moscow and Damascus not only help restore Syria's human capital, but also lay the long-term foundation for a sustainable partnership rooted in mutual support and historical solidarity. In this context, it is fair to assert that Russia's role in Syria will not weaken, but rather strengthen. The relationship between Moscow and the new Syrian leadership has a strong historical, political, and strategic foundation, and in the evolving global order, it is gaining new momentum. This partnership serves the mutual interests of both sides – in the fields of security, economic development, and humanitarian cooperation, as well as in building a stable regional architecture based on respect for sovereignty and mutual benefit.

Here's why the Russia-Syria bond can't be severed
Here's why the Russia-Syria bond can't be severed

Russia Today

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • Russia Today

Here's why the Russia-Syria bond can't be severed

After the fall of the Assad regime on December 8, 2024, Syria underwent a sharp shift in its political configuration. A fragmented coalition of opposition forces came to power, led by the group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (banned in Russia). The leader of the transitional period became Ahmed al-Sharaa, better known by his former name, Abu Mohammad al-Julani. However, few have seriously considered what the real position of the new authorities within Syria itself would be. The formal seizure of power and control over the capital does not necessarily mean stability or recognition from the entire Syrian society. The country remains deeply fragmented – along ideological, ethnic, sectarian, and territorial lines. The fragmented opposition, despite its nominal unification under a political umbrella, faces enormous challenges: the absence of a unified governance mechanism, competition among various factions, internal mistrust, and pressure from both local field commanders and external sponsors. Furthermore, large segments of the population, exhausted by years of war, may view the new authorities with skepticism or even hostility – especially considering the participation of radical elements in the new leadership. Therefore, the key question remains not only maintaining external legitimacy but also whether the new administration can build a sustainable governance system, provide basic public services, restore the economy, and achieve even minimal societal consensus. It is worth noting that immediately after the fall of Assad, the West and a number of global media outlets were quick to proclaim what they called a 'Russian defeat in the Middle East.' The media sphere was filled with predictions about the complete withdrawal of the Russian military contingent from Syrian territory, and the loss of Moscow's strategic positions and influence in the region. However, the course of events proved to be entirely different. The new authorities in Damascus, despite the internal political transformation, clearly recognize the role and importance of Russia as one of the key foreign policy actors, influencing both Syria's internal stability and broader regional and global processes. Moreover, representatives of the transitional government have expressed their interest in maintaining constructive relations with Moscow – including cooperation in the areas of security, economics, and post-war reconstruction. Less than two months after the change of power in Damascus, on January 28, 2025, the first official foreign delegation arrived in Syria – a Russian interdepartmental mission. The visit became an important foreign policy signal and effectively marked the beginning of a new stage in relations between Moscow and the new Syrian leadership. At that time, the Special Representative of the President of Russia for the Middle East and Africa, Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Bogdanov, held talks with the head of the new Syrian administration, al-Sharaa. In a statement issued by the Syrian authorities following the meeting, it was emphasized that the parties discussed 'issues of restoring relations' between Syria and Russia. 'The Russian side confirmed its support for the positive changes currently taking place in Syria. The talks included discussions about Russia's role in rebuilding relations with the Syrian people through concrete measures such as compensation and assistance with reconstruction,' the statement said. The head of the new Syrian administration, in turn, expressed his commitment to principled engagement with all interested parties, emphasizing that Syria's future must be built on the foundations of justice, dignity, and sovereignty. The statement also noted that the restoration of relations with former foreign partners must take into account the lessons of the past, respect the will of the Syrian people, and, above all, serve their interests. Thus, the visit of the Russian delegation became not only a symbolic gesture recognizing the new political reality in Syria but also a sign of both sides' desire to reconsider the format of cooperation in the context of rapid changes within the country and in the region as a whole. A logical continuation of the political dialogue between Moscow and the new administration in Damascus was the reciprocal visit of a Syrian delegation to Russia. The visit was led by Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shibani and Defense Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra. This step was not only a symbol of Damascus's desire to strengthen bilateral relations but also an important signal to the entire region about its intention to preserve its strategic partnership with Moscow. Russian President Vladimir Putin received al-Shibani at the Kremlin. A large delegation of representatives from the transitional administration accompanied him to Moscow, highlighting the seriousness of the Syrian side's approach to developing interstate cooperation. On July 31, al-Shibani also held talks with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. The head of Russian diplomacy stressed that Moscow is closely monitoring the development of the transitional period in Syria and expressed hope that the Syrian people would be able to overcome the current challenges and restore normal life in the country. During the meeting, Lavrov also invited Syrian interim president al-Sharaa to participate in the upcoming Russia–Arab League summit scheduled for October 15 – an important step toward Syria's reintegration into the regional diplomatic arena. Al-Shibani, in turn, confirmed the new Syrian leadership's interest in deepening cooperation with Russia, including in the areas of foreign policy, security, and economic recovery. As part of the visit, Russian Defense Minister Andrey Belousov also met with his Syrian counterpart, Abu Qasra. They discussed prospects for military-technical cooperation and the situation in the Middle East as a whole. Both sides emphasized the importance of coordinating efforts in combating remaining pockets of extremism and maintaining regional stability. All recent contacts between Moscow and Damascus clearly demonstrate the new Syrian authorities' interest in preserving and developing their partnership with Russia – even in the face of obvious and growing pressure from Western countries. The new administration in Damascus, having come to power amid a deep internal and external crisis, understands that sustainable recovery in Syria is impossible without strategic allies. And Russia, with its military, diplomatic, and economic capabilities, remains such an ally. Undoubtedly, Moscow also shows a measured interest in strengthening ties with Syria's new political reality. Given the vast investments – both political and military – made over years of conflict, Russia is keen to maintain its influence in the region and assist in the formation of a stable governance system in Damascus. It is expected that al-Sharaa will visit Russia in October this year to participate in the high-level Russia–Arab League summit. If held, this visit could become a milestone in shaping a new diplomatic architecture for Syrian–Russian relations. Relations between Moscow and Damascus have deep historical roots. Since the early 1950s, the Soviet Union – and later Russia – has consistently provided Syria with military, economic, and technical support. During the Cold War, and especially throughout the Arab-Israeli conflicts, Moscow was one of the few reliable foreign policy partners for Damascus. This relationship was not purely pragmatic; it was founded on ideological solidarity, mutual respect, and shared geopolitical interests. Today, against the backdrop of escalating Israeli aggression and the West's overt silence in response to regular airstrikes on Syrian territory, the issue of national security has become more critical than ever for Damascus. The new leadership must urgently formulate a strategy to protect the country from further fragmentation and external interference. Despite ongoing engagement with Ankara and a degree of pragmatism in its relations with Türkiye, many Syrian politicians and military officials still view Russia as the only power truly capable of strengthening Syria's defense capabilities. Only Moscow possesses the necessary resources, political will, and regional authority to act as a guarantor of Syria's territorial integrity, a deterrent against external threats, and a reliable partner in the country's national revival. Russia remains not only an important military-political partner of Syria, but also a key trade and economic partner, whose role is difficult to overstate in the context of post-war reconstruction. Amid destroyed infrastructure and severe resource shortages, it is Russia that is seen as capable of playing a decisive role in ensuring Syria's food security. Stable supplies of Russian grain, fertilizers, and fuel are already viewed in Damascus as the foundation for stabilizing the domestic market and ensuring basic social standards for the population. Beyond this, humanitarian ties between the two countries have traditionally played an important role. Russia has long been one of the primary destinations for Syrian students pursuing higher education abroad. Hundreds of Syrians study annually at Russian universities – from medical schools to engineering and public administration institutes. Many of them return home to become the backbone of Syria's professional class, which is especially vital for restoring state institutions. Historically, Russia has played a significant role in training Syrian professionals in critical fields such as healthcare, construction, energy, and public administration. During both the Soviet and post-Soviet periods, Russia educated a substantial number of Syrian specialists who later ensured the functioning of key sectors in the Syrian economy and social system. In today's shifting international environment, shaped by broad geopolitical changes, Damascus is acutely aware of the evolving nature of the global order. The collective West, once a unified political bloc, is now fragmented. The Trump administration, having returned to power in the US, behaves increasingly unpredictably on the world stage – focusing on domestic priorities and demonstrating reduced strategic engagement in the Middle East. Meanwhile, EU countries are mired in their own crises – energy, social, and institutional – and are incapable of formulating a coherent, unified policy toward the region, particularly in the context of their protracted confrontation with Russia. Amid this context, the shift in the global balance of power is becoming increasingly evident. The center of gravity in world politics and economics is gradually moving toward the so-called 'Global Majority' – nations outside the Western alliance. The growing influence of organizations such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is becoming a defining feature of the new world order. In these frameworks, Russia is not merely a participant but one of the leading powers shaping an alternative agenda based on sovereignty, non-interference, and multipolarity. The new Syrian administration understands these dynamics and is striving to shape its foreign policy in accordance with the new realities. Damascus is working to diversify its international partnerships – deepening its strategic alliance with Russia, developing relations with China, Iran, India, and other non-Western powers, while also leaving room for pragmatic dialogue with Western countries, based on national interests and the principle of sovereign equality. In the context of Syria's transitional phase and national renewal, preserving and expanding these ties takes on strategic importance. Educational and humanitarian programs between Moscow and Damascus not only help restore Syria's human capital, but also lay the long-term foundation for a sustainable partnership rooted in mutual support and historical solidarity. In this context, it is fair to assert that Russia's role in Syria will not weaken, but rather strengthen. The relationship between Moscow and the new Syrian leadership has a strong historical, political, and strategic foundation, and in the evolving global order, it is gaining new momentum. This partnership serves the mutual interests of both sides – in the fields of security, economic development, and humanitarian cooperation, as well as in building a stable regional architecture based on respect for sovereignty and mutual benefit.

Another war, another trip, another ask: Netanyahu returns to Washington
Another war, another trip, another ask: Netanyahu returns to Washington

Russia Today

time05-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Russia Today

Another war, another trip, another ask: Netanyahu returns to Washington

Fresh off a bruising 12-day war with Iran, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is flying back to Washington. This will be his third visit to the US since Donald Trump returned to the White House – but arguably the most consequential. For Netanyahu, it's more than a diplomatic courtesy call: it's a chance to cash in on battlefield momentum, convert military theatrics into political capital, and solidify his standing with Israel's most crucial ally. According to Israeli media, Netanyahu's agenda goes beyond flag-waving and photo ops. He's expected to push forward on defense cooperation, intelligence sharing, and a new trade deal. But above all, he wants to translate Israel's perceived tactical success into long-term strategic advantage – ensuring that Washington remains firmly aligned with Israeli goals on regional security. Leaked reports suggest that the prime minister's diplomatic playbook includes more than bilateral handshakes. One of the most sensitive issues on the table is the future of the Golan Heights. Sources say Israel has quietly renewed contacts with Syria's new leadership under Abu Mohammad al-Julani – a former jihadist now vying for international legitimacy. Behind closed doors, officials are floating the idea of a partial agreement in which Syria might recognize Israel's control over the Golan, in exchange for security coordination and regional stabilization. But there's a catch: a real deal would demand Israeli concessions, and Netanyahu, still projecting strength, seems unwilling to budge. US officials are aware of these backchannel discussions and are said to be involved at key moments – though how far they're willing to go remains unclear. On paper, Israel's military operation dealt a heavy blow to Iran's infrastructure, damaging key parts of its nuclear program and military network. But at home, the narrative isn't so tidy. The Iranian regime didn't collapse – far from it. Instead, Iranian society rallied around its leadership, framing the conflict as a defense of national sovereignty. In Israel, critics argue that Netanyahu oversold the war's objectives and underdelivered on its results. The war left other wounds too. Dozens of Israeli hostages remain in Hamas custody – a painful, unresolved issue. Despite media efforts to frame the prime minister as a wartime leader, Netanyahu is facing sharp questions not just from his political opponents, but from restless members of his own coalition. According to Haaretz, the Trump administration is growing impatient. US officials are urging Israel to suspend active operations in Gaza and prioritize a deal to bring home the hostages. The message from Washington is blunt: finish the humanitarian business now; total victory can wait. The newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth reports that Netanyahu's tone has shifted. His previous rhetoric about 'total victory' has been quietly replaced by talk of 'humanitarian obligations' and 'pragmatic solutions.' That shift may signal a soft pivot toward a temporary truce. Meanwhile, Channel 12 notes that the Israel Defense Forces are pressing the government to define a clear path forward. Should Israel double down and seize full control of Gaza – or cut a deal with Hamas for a phased prisoner exchange? According to military sources, the army favors the second option, seeing it as more realistic and less likely to spiral into chaos. In the lead-up to the Washington summit, Israeli Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer arrived in the US to test the waters and align messaging. Around the same time, the US approved a new $510 million defense contract with Israel, including over 7,000 sets of precision-guided JDAM munitions. The juxtaposition is striking: even as Washington pushes for de-escalation in Gaza, it continues to arm its closest Middle Eastern ally. The signal is mixed – and may reflect internal divisions within the Trump administration about how hard to press Israel toward restraint. At the heart of the current deadlock is the question of a ceasefire. Hamas has proposed an immediate and full halt to hostilities, along with the complete withdrawal of Israeli troops from Gaza. Israel has rejected the offer – unwilling to hand over military leverage without securing the return of its citizens. With roughly 50 hostages still held in Gaza, the pressure on Netanyahu is mounting. But the path to an agreement remains narrow and treacherous. Mistrust runs deep, and the window for compromise is closing fast. It's no secret that Trump sees himself as a dealmaker – especially in the Middle East. His declared 'victory' over Iran has set the stage for a new diplomatic push. If he can now broker a ceasefire in Gaza and bring Israeli hostages home, it would be a headline-grabbing foreign policy win ahead of his domestic battles. But Netanyahu isn't rushing to help Trump craft his legacy. The prime minister remains wary: despite public praise from the US president, he's received no guarantees on issues closer to home – such as immunity from prosecution in his two ongoing corruption trials. These criminal cases are more than a legal headache – they're a political time bomb. Trump's vocal support, including recent calls to drop the charges, may play well with Netanyahu's base, but they've stirred unease among Israeli institutions. Some officials see this transatlantic alliance as an attempt to shield the prime minister from accountability. Within Israel, any deal with Hamas – especially one that involves concessions – risks alienating Netanyahu's hardline supporters. For a leader trying to balance survival with statesmanship, the choices are narrowing. A rift is forming between Washington and West Jerusalem. Trump wants swift results – a diplomatic breakthrough that he can sell as evidence of his leadership. Netanyahu, by contrast, is playing a slower game: buying time, protecting his flank, and avoiding decisions that might weaken him politically. Whether they can bridge this gap will define the outcome of the upcoming talks. For Trump, success means a dramatic headline: 'I stopped the war.' For Netanyahu, it's about navigating the storm without sinking. In an ideal scenario – at least from West Jerusalem's point of view – Trump might back a new Israeli campaign against Iran. That would offer Netanyahu a cleaner battlefield, clearer objectives, and the chance to write a more triumphant chapter in his political story. But for now, both leaders are walking a tightrope – balancing war, diplomacy, and ambition – hoping not to fall before the next election.

How much should America pay to keep Netanyahu in power?
How much should America pay to keep Netanyahu in power?

Russia Today

time05-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Russia Today

How much should America pay to keep Netanyahu in power?

Fresh off a bruising 12-day war with Iran, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is flying back to Washington. This will be his third visit to the US since Donald Trump returned to the White House – but arguably the most consequential. For Netanyahu, it's more than a diplomatic courtesy call: it's a chance to cash in on battlefield momentum, convert military theatrics into political capital, and solidify his standing with Israel's most crucial ally. According to Israeli media, Netanyahu's agenda goes beyond flag-waving and photo ops. He's expected to push forward on defense cooperation, intelligence sharing, and a new trade deal. But above all, he wants to translate Israel's perceived tactical success into long-term strategic advantage – ensuring that Washington remains firmly aligned with Israeli goals on regional security. Leaked reports suggest that the prime minister's diplomatic playbook includes more than bilateral handshakes. One of the most sensitive issues on the table is the future of the Golan Heights. Sources say Israel has quietly renewed contacts with Syria's new leadership under Abu Mohammad al-Julani – a former jihadist now vying for international legitimacy. Behind closed doors, officials are floating the idea of a partial agreement in which Syria might recognize Israel's control over the Golan, in exchange for security coordination and regional stabilization. But there's a catch: a real deal would demand Israeli concessions, and Netanyahu, still projecting strength, seems unwilling to budge. US officials are aware of these backchannel discussions and are said to be involved at key moments – though how far they're willing to go remains unclear. On paper, Israel's military operation dealt a heavy blow to Iran's infrastructure, damaging key parts of its nuclear program and military network. But at home, the narrative isn't so tidy. The Iranian regime didn't collapse – far from it. Instead, Iranian society rallied around its leadership, framing the conflict as a defense of national sovereignty. In Israel, critics argue that Netanyahu oversold the war's objectives and underdelivered on its results. The war left other wounds too. Dozens of Israeli hostages remain in Hamas custody – a painful, unresolved issue. Despite media efforts to frame the prime minister as a wartime leader, Netanyahu is facing sharp questions not just from his political opponents, but from restless members of his own coalition. According to Haaretz, the Trump administration is growing impatient. US officials are urging Israel to suspend active operations in Gaza and prioritize a deal to bring home the hostages. The message from Washington is blunt: finish the humanitarian business now; total victory can wait. The newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth reports that Netanyahu's tone has shifted. His previous rhetoric about 'total victory' has been quietly replaced by talk of 'humanitarian obligations' and 'pragmatic solutions.' That shift may signal a soft pivot toward a temporary truce. Meanwhile, Channel 12 notes that the Israel Defense Forces are pressing the government to define a clear path forward. Should Israel double down and seize full control of Gaza – or cut a deal with Hamas for a phased prisoner exchange? According to military sources, the army favors the second option, seeing it as more realistic and less likely to spiral into chaos. In the lead-up to the Washington summit, Israeli Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer arrived in the US to test the waters and align messaging. Around the same time, the US approved a new $510 million defense contract with Israel, including over 7,000 sets of precision-guided JDAM munitions. The juxtaposition is striking: even as Washington pushes for de-escalation in Gaza, it continues to arm its closest Middle Eastern ally. The signal is mixed – and may reflect internal divisions within the Trump administration about how hard to press Israel toward restraint. At the heart of the current deadlock is the question of a ceasefire. Hamas has proposed an immediate and full halt to hostilities, along with the complete withdrawal of Israeli troops from Gaza. Israel has rejected the offer – unwilling to hand over military leverage without securing the return of its citizens. With roughly 50 hostages still held in Gaza, the pressure on Netanyahu is mounting. But the path to an agreement remains narrow and treacherous. Mistrust runs deep, and the window for compromise is closing fast. It's no secret that Trump sees himself as a dealmaker – especially in the Middle East. His declared 'victory' over Iran has set the stage for a new diplomatic push. If he can now broker a ceasefire in Gaza and bring Israeli hostages home, it would be a headline-grabbing foreign policy win ahead of his domestic battles. But Netanyahu isn't rushing to help Trump craft his legacy. The prime minister remains wary: despite public praise from the US president, he's received no guarantees on issues closer to home – such as immunity from prosecution in his two ongoing corruption trials. These criminal cases are more than a legal headache – they're a political time bomb. Trump's vocal support, including recent calls to drop the charges, may play well with Netanyahu's base, but they've stirred unease among Israeli institutions. Some officials see this transatlantic alliance as an attempt to shield the prime minister from accountability. Within Israel, any deal with Hamas – especially one that involves concessions – risks alienating Netanyahu's hardline supporters. For a leader trying to balance survival with statesmanship, the choices are narrowing. A rift is forming between Washington and West Jerusalem. Trump wants swift results – a diplomatic breakthrough that he can sell as evidence of his leadership. Netanyahu, by contrast, is playing a slower game: buying time, protecting his flank, and avoiding decisions that might weaken him politically. Whether they can bridge this gap will define the outcome of the upcoming talks. For Trump, success means a dramatic headline: 'I stopped the war.' For Netanyahu, it's about navigating the storm without sinking. In an ideal scenario – at least from West Jerusalem's point of view – Trump might back a new Israeli campaign against Iran. That would offer Netanyahu a cleaner battlefield, clearer objectives, and the chance to write a more triumphant chapter in his political story. But for now, both leaders are walking a tightrope – balancing war, diplomacy, and ambition – hoping not to fall before the next election.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store