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TimesLIVE
3 days ago
- Automotive
- TimesLIVE
Nissan's struggles open door for Chinese carmakers in SA
Chery SA CEO Tony Liu said the Chinese automaker is exploring all available avenues to establish its first production facility in the country. Liu was responding to a question from TimesLIVE Motoring about whether an established plant, such as the Nissan Rosslyn operation whose future is under doubt, might be of interest. News agency Reuters reported in May that Japanese manufacturer Nissan was considering global plant closures, potentially including shutting the doors of its Tshwane facility. 'SA boasts a proud legacy of local vehicle manufacturing, and Chery is committed to strengthening the industry for generations to come. This would also allow us to enhance our contribution to local communities,' he said. According to Liu, the brand's outlook features two potential pathways: partnering with an existing manufacturer to 'help address current production gaps' or set up its own, dedicated manufacturing plant, realising the 'full production capabilities' of Chery. The CEO said the manufacturer's customer base, which grew to 55,000 over the three years since market re-entry, represents critical mass that has justified a feasibility study to assess how local manufacturing could support its long-term volume aspirations. 'Beyond market size, SA being the largest new car market in Sub-Saharan Africa, Chery recognises SA's role as a gateway into Africa through initiatives such as the African Continental Free Trade Agreement.' Liu said local manufacturing would also enable contribution to the domestic supply chain, with commitment to broad-based black Economic empowerment requirements. Meanwhile, Nissan SA representatives have countered the notion that the Rosslyn plant is on borrowed time. 'Nissan wants to clarify the news is not based on any official information of the company,' said head of communications Ramy Mohareb. 'At this stage we are not able to inform you which plants will be affected. Our focus remains on our operations and the dedicated workforce that drives our success,' he told TimesLIVE Motoring. The Rosslyn plant employs 1,080 people and has been operational since 1966. Mohareb was unable to comment on the facility's output, or elaborate on plans to sustain its business and protect local jobs and retailers. In 2024 the brand's top-selling NP200 half-tonne bakkie, produced at Rosslyn, was discontinued. The plant only produces the one-tonne Navara. A well-placed industry insider, speaking on condition of anonymity, expressed the view that Nissan SA, in its present guise, would struggle to find longevity. 'The key to being a successful manufacturer in SA is sufficient export volume, which Nissan never had. The best-selling SA cars and light commercial vehicles only manage about 25,000 units per year, insufficient for competitive manufacturing. This needs to be complemented with a proper export programme to reach a viable volume,' the source said. 'Toyota, BMW, Mercedes-Benz, Volkswagen and Ford have the programmes but Nissan, with a few thousand Navara exports into Africa, aren't close. Getting there is a parent company decision. The SA factory needs to be part of the global supply chain, not a local market factory with a handful of exports to small regional markets.' According to the insider, the peak of Nissan SA's sales dates as far back as the period of 1976 to 1978 when it was the leading manufacturer in SA. 'Its most successful models included the original Datsun 1200s and the B120/140 bakkie, the original Datsun 1600s and the Skylines. The first Maxima and Primera were great cars but not quite the sellers they should have been. On the bakkie side, the Hardbody took the fight to the Hilux, but this faded as the last Hardbody's life was extended, ultimately a life of more than 20 years.' 'In my view, Nissan's product offering didn't keep up with the changing demands of the SA buyer. As the market evolved, moving from sedans to SUVs and crossovers, Nissan's range reduced significantly and the individual products were less competitive within their respective segments.' Mikel Mabasa, CEO of Naamsa, the national automotive business council, said the organisation was waiting for Nissan SA to provide an outline of its local plans. He said Naamsa was concerned by media reports casting doubt over the brand's future in SA. 'Any [possible] closure is not something we take lightly. We have a lot of people employed through such plants, not only those on the production line, but the value chain, including those who support the plant with components. If Nissan decides to discontinue operations, we will activate discussions with them directly, understanding their position and identifying how we can support the future of the facility,' Mabasa said. 'Naamsa will be at the forefront in working with partners to see what can be done to safeguard the plant for future operations,' he said, referencing the 2017 disinvestment of General Motors, where similar conversations were had. 'Isuzu was able to raise their hand and the Gqeberha plant was saved.' Separately, Mabasa confirmed Naamsa had been in discussions with brands who are importers, eyeing SA as a destination for manufacturing operations. He said Naamsa welcomed intentions for new operations by brands, whether it involves repurposing existing plants or establishing a greenfield investment from the ground up. Spokesperson for the department of trade, industry and competition, Bongani Lukhele, said Nissan had not provided formal communications on the issue, and the department was therefore not in a position to respond to queries.
Egypt Today
21-05-2025
- Business
- Egypt Today
FM affirms Egypt's commitment to stronger ties with Malawi
CAIRO – 21 May 2015: Minister of Foreign Affairs, Emigration and Egyptian Expatriates Badr Abdelatty met with Malawi's Foreign Minister Nancy Tembo in Brussels on the sidelines of the Africa–EU Ministerial Meeting. During the talks, Abdelatty reaffirmed Egypt's interest in expanding cooperation with Malawi in areas including development, health, and transport, according to a press release by the foreign ministry. He confirmed Egypt's readiness to support Malawi's national plans through capacity-building programs run by the Egyptian Agency for Partnership for Development, as well as through joint development projects involving Egyptian public and private sector entities. The top diplomat also proposed increased cooperation in healthcare and transport and encouraged stronger trade ties through the COMESA framework and the African Continental Free Trade Agreement. Additionally, Abdelatty stressed the importance of continued consultation on African priorities and the need for unified African positions on global issues.
Business Insider
21-05-2025
- Business
- Business Insider
Top 10 African countries with the lowest diesel prices in May 2025
A few African countries, currently, are benefiting from relatively low diesel prices, an increasingly unusual occurrence on a continent where fuel costs have skyrocketed owing to several external and internal economic factors. Business Insider Africa presents the top 10 African countries with the lowest diesel prices in May 2025. This list is courtesy of data from GlobalPetrolPrices. Libya ranks at the top of the list. In Africa, low diesel costs not only provide short-term economic comfort but also position several countries on the continent for longer-term growth and competitiveness in critical industries. Countries with low diesel costs, such as Algeria and Angola, are seeing substantial gains in the transportation and logistics sectors. Diesel as a major fuel source is used by heavy-duty vehicles, public transportation buses, and haulage trucks. When the cost of diesel is low, it helps reduce the prices of commodities carried great distances, increases commerce, cuts inflation, and makes items more affordable to consumers. In nations where informal markets and inter-city commerce are important, low-cost diesel keeps supply chains running and decreases delivery delays, making local economies more productive and accessible. Diesel is widely employed throughout Africa's sectors, notably in manufacturing, mining, and construction. Countries that can maintain low fuel costs provide their industrial sectors a competitive advantage. These enterprises may produce items at reduced prices, attract more foreign investment, and compete more effectively in regional marketplaces such as the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA). This advantage is essential for countries seeking to diversify their economy and reduce their reliance on raw commodity exports. In a year defined by fuel price volatility and economic instability across Africa, some governments' purposeful management of low diesel prices has emerged as a secret weapon for resilience. With that said, here are the African countries that have the lowest diesel costs currently, according to Global PetrolPrices, which pegs the average price of diesel globally at 1.18 U.S. dollars per liter, as of the 19th of May. Compared to the top 10 countries that made the list last month, when the global average was 1.20 U.S. dollars per liter, diesel prices for Algeria, Nigeria, and Gabon all reduced slightly. Diesel prices for Egypt, Ethiopia, Tunisia, and Liberia increased. While prices for Libya, Angola, and Sudan remained the same. Top 10 African countries with the lowest diesel prices in May 2025 Rank Country Diesel price Global rank 1. Libya $0.027 3rd 2. Algeria $0.218 4th 3. Egypt $0.311 6th 4. Angola $0.327 7th 5. Nigeria $0.591 16th 6. Sudan $0.656 20th 7. Tunisia $0.734 27th 8. Ethiopia $0.881 43rd 9. Liberia $0.937 51st 10. Gabon $0.986 57th
Daily Maverick
14-05-2025
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
Parliament urged to pressure Pretoria to revive SADC Tribunal which died under Mugabe
The SADC Tribunal's powers were terminated in 2012 after it ruled that then Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's seizure of white farms was illegal. Parliament has been urged to pressure the government to resurrect the SADC Tribunal, which would restore the rights of regional citizens to hold their governments accountable to the law. Lwazi Somya, senior researcher at the Southern African Liaison Office (Salo), an NGO advancing regional peace and democracy, made the appeal in a briefing to Parliament's international relations committee on Wednesday. In 2012, leaders of Southern African Development Community (SADC) states, including then President Jacob Zuma, terminated the powers of the SADC Tribunal to adjudicate complaints brought by individuals against their governments. This was after the Tribunal had ruled that then Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's seizure of white farms was illegal. Somya noted that there had later been a resuscitation of the Tribunal, called the SADC Administrative Tribunal, but that did not go far enough as it can only adjudicate matters between states. He noted that Parliament was premised on holding the state accountable and so should be pushing the SA government to help recreate the SADC Tribunal to enhance the voice of citizens in demanding that SADC states adhere to SADC treaties and protocols. Agenda 2063 More widely, Somya said that Parliament should be pushing for mechanisms to put pressure on states to advance the African Union's Agenda 2063 and especially its development targets. He noted that there were several regional treaties and protocols, but many had not been domesticated in national laws. He noted, for example, that the protocol on the free movement of people under the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) had been ratified by only four of Africa's states. Partly because of the failure to domesticate the prerequisites for intra-African trade, only 17% of the CEOs at the recent CEOs forum in Côte d'Ivoire expressed faith in the success of the AfCFTA. Somya said South Africa had to think more collectively as it was not an island, and problems in other countries in the region – including bad governance – were, for example, driving immigration into this country. Security challenges He noted that the SADC region had historically been regarded as one of Africa's most stable, yet it currently faced multiple security challenges that threaten the relative stability and wellbeing of its people. They include the Islamic State-affiliated insurgency in northern Mozambique, the M23 rebellion in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and undemocratic elections in other countries. SADC has sent military forces into both of those conflicts and then withdrawn them, with mixed results. In Mozambique, Rwandan troops have played the bigger role in suppressing the jihadists, while the SADC Mission in DRC (SAMIDRC) has just begun withdrawing from DRC after several of its troops were killed in fierce fighting with the M23 in January. Somya said that as the strongest state in the region, South Africa had a particular responsibility to lead SADC efforts to tackle such insurgencies and ensure proper, free and fair elections. He said that South Africa had to cooperate more with other SADC countries to achieve that. He lamented, for instance, that only three SADC countries – SA, Tanzania and Malawi – had contributed troops to SAMIDRC. SADC reform Emma Powell, Democratic Alliance spokesperson on international relations, said the DA was developing a 'bold and principled' SADC reform policy to 'rescue SADC from its irrelevance'. As part of the national coalition government, which she said required sufficient consensus on all decisions, including on foreign policy, the DA was also proposing the re-establishment of the SADC Tribunal with full authority to hear cases from individuals. The DA was also proposing the creation of a regional SADC court for human and people's rights modelled on the African Court, with automatic referral mechanisms for gross human rights violations. The DA's third proposal was to upgrade the current SADC Parliamentary Forum 'into a full regional parliament with legislative oversight, independent electoral monitoring power and direct citizen participation and engagement'. The DA was also proposing that SADC agreements should be domesticated into South African law. She noted that SA had taken some steps to domesticate international law, such as that of the International Criminal Court (ICC). This was why Russian President Vladimir Putin has been unable to come to SA since being indicted by that court for abducting an estimated 20,000 Ukrainian children. 'I think that it's high time that South Africa once again assumes its position as a principled leader on the continent instead of an apologist for dictators,' Powell said, deploring what she called the ANC's diplomatic complicity in failing to condemn undemocratic practices by SADC states such as Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Tanzania. 'Liberation solidarity vs democratic principle' She said in the ANC's foreign policy, 'liberation solidarity… trumped democratic principle', and this was empowering former freedom fighters running some of those countries to 'use the memory of struggle to capture the state, to loot and pillage the state, to persecute their opponents and to suffocate any dissent. And by shielding them, the ANC became a barrier to reform.' MK party MP Colleen Makhubele wanted to know what SADC thought about the emigration to the US of white Afrikaners, which began this week, and who were offered refugee status because the Trump administration alleged that a genocide of whites was happening. 'Yet this organ of SADC is quiet…' If there really was a genocide, SADC should have been the first to say so. And if not, it 'should have been the first to raise its hand and defend South Africa…' ANC MP Mogodu Moela commended SA's involvement in efforts to silence the guns in Mozambique. He blamed the DRC conflict on competition for natural resources, which could disrupt the whole continent if not addressed. He said the ANC supported the withdrawal of SAMIDRC from DRC in favour of peace negotiations, which he said would bring peace to eastern DRC and allow humanitarian aid to again flow into the conflict zone. DM
IOL News
12-05-2025
- Business
- IOL News
South Africa and the AfCFTA: a strategic opportunity to lead Africa's Iindustrial future
A worker poses with a handful of nickel ore. The global energy transition has created unprecedented demand for critical minerals. The minerals sought for the transition include minerals like lithium, cobalt, manganese and nickel, writes the author. Image: Reuters The African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA), launched in 2021, offers a once-in-a-generation opportunity to unite 54 nations into a thriving common market, igniting an African industrial revolution with the potential to echo across global trade systems. For South Africa, often regarded as the continent's economic engine, this is a pivotal moment to lead with intention, conviction and pride. As global powers set their sights on Africa's critical mineral reserves, lithium, cobalt and a demographic advantage expected to represent nearly 40% of the world's population by 2060, the AfCFTA provides a path toward prosperity on our own terms. 'Africa isn't just rising; it's ready to lead,' declared IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva. This leadership, however, will depend not on rhetoric but on execution—on the collaborative efforts of private enterprise, public governance, youth innovation and policy clarity. The global economy is in flux. Fragile supply chains, shifting alliances and the race for sustainable and digital industrialisation have left gaps that Africa is well-positioned to fill. The AfCFTA connects our fragmented markets, forming an economic bloc with a combined GDP of over US$3.4 trillion. This isn't just theoretical. The World Bank estimates that the AfCFTA could lift 30 million people out of extreme poverty and increase incomes across the continent by 7% by 2035. South Africa, with its minerals, manufacturing base, financial systems and technology ecosystem, is uniquely placed to drive this transformation—if we act with urgency and unity. Yet, as with any ambitious journey, the road ahead is not without obstacles. Infrastructure remains a stubborn barrier. Port delays in Durban, underinvestment in rail freight and overburdened roads in Gauteng undermine our competitiveness. Skills shortages further limit our readiness—too many South African youth remain locked out of opportunities in advanced manufacturing, green energy and digital industries. Our trade systems still operate on outdated protocols, creating friction where there should be seamless integration. But these challenges also represent levers for change. Imagine the private sector investing in a new tech hub in Cape Town or retraining programs for miners to pivot into solar energy installation. Envision the public sector renewing infrastructure investment with an eye toward interconnectivity, resilience and export readiness. Policymakers could streamline customs procedures and harmonize regulations to support small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in crossing borders with ease. According to UNECA, integrating South African steel into regional automotive value chains could boost jobs, GDP and productivity simultaneously. We are not starting from scratch. Our foundations are solid. Political and macroeconomic stability, strong financial institutions and a globally integrated business sector already make South Africa a regional anchor. Botswana's sustained growth and fiscal prudence show that sound governance attracts long-term investment— South Africa should take heed. We must root out corruption and waste, not only for ethical reasons but as a fundamental enabler of competitiveness. We must reimagine our public expenditure: financing education that prepares youth for future jobs, building roads and broadband networks that connect to regional trade corridors and expanding energy generation to support manufacturing growth. Most importantly, we must invest in linking our economies: South Africa's mineral processing expertise can complement Kenya's agribusiness, Egypt's textiles and Ghana's digital payment systems. In this vision, Africa doesn't trade raw commodities—it trades finished goods, driven by intra-African value chains. Leadership must be shared and inclusive. Private sector players—think Sasol, MTN and Johannesburg's agile tech startups, must move from national champions to regional operators. Governments must collaborate, not compete, to build aligned regulations, joint infrastructure and data-sharing protocols. Our youth, projected to be the largest population group on the planet by 2060, must be empowered not just as beneficiaries, but as co creators. M-Pesa in East Africa is one example of youth-led disruption that scaled across borders. South Africa has the people, the institutions and the industrial base to spark this type of innovation on a continental scale. Global development partners also have a role—through funding, technology transfers and capacity-building— but must act as enablers, not decision-makers. Our future must be designed in Africa, by Africans. History is watching. The AfCFTA could define the next 50 years of African development. If we seize this moment, we will see factories rise from Soweto to Nairobi, powering global markets while improving lives. Our youth could thrive as skilled entrepreneurs and engineers, rather than be statistics of unemployment or migration. But if we hesitate, the consequence is familiar: raw resources shipped out, jobs lost and sovereignty weakened by dependency. The African Development Bank projects that trade-led industrialization could significantly reduce poverty—but only if supported by coherent strategy and implementation. To this end, a concrete and implementable initiative could be the formation of a South Africa-led AfCFTA Task Force within six months. This task force—comprising business leaders, ministers, economists and youth representatives—would be mandated to identify and operationalize one regional trade value chain and one cross-border skills hub by 2027. This is not another think tank. It is a vehicle for tangible outcomes—pilot projects, streamlined logistics, fast-tracked skills development and model partnerships. It would ensure South Africa's leadership is not just symbolic, but structural. The AfCFTA is not a distant dream—it is already law. What remains is to animate it with leadership, investment and vision. South Africa's moment is now. Let us rise with purpose, not just for ourselves, but for the continent that looks to us for inspiration, coordination and courage. If we succeed, Africa will not only rise—it will lead. Nomvula Mabuza is a Risk Governance and Compliance Specialist with extensive experience in strategic risk and industrial operations. She is an MBA candidate at Henley Business School, South Africa. Nomvula Zeldah Mabuza is a Risk Governance and Compliance Specialist with extensive experience in strategic risk and industrial operations. She holds a Diploma in Business Management (Accounting) from Brunel University, UK, and is an MBA candidate at Henley Business School, South Africa. Image: Supplied
