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Building Democracy: Voices of the Youth Vital for South Africa's Future
Building Democracy: Voices of the Youth Vital for South Africa's Future

IOL News

time17-06-2025

  • Politics
  • IOL News

Building Democracy: Voices of the Youth Vital for South Africa's Future

Youth voter turnout remains inconsistent, partly due to disillusionment with political parties, lack of trust in leadership, and limited awareness about how to influence policy effectively, says the writer. Image: Shelley Kjonstad/IndependentNewspapers Dr. Paul Kariuki South Africa's history is deeply embedded in a legacy of struggle and resilience, particularly among its youth. During the pre-independence era, colonial and apartheid policies systematically marginalized Black South Africans, with youth often at the forefront of resistance movements. In the 1940s and 1950s, student organizations like the South African Students Organisation (SASO), led by figures such as Steve Biko, advocated for Black consciousness and empowerment, laying the groundwork for political activism rooted in identity and liberation. Post-1960s, the Sharpeville Massacre intensified youth involvement, fueling protests and underground resistance activities that challenged apartheid's brutal system. The 1976 Soweto Uprising marked a pivotal moment, where young students publicly protested against Afrikaans-medium instruction, symbolizing the youth's refusal to accept oppressive policies. This activism highlighted the vital role of youth in driving societal change, both as catalysts for resistance and as agents of social transformation. Following South Africa's transition to democracy in 1994, the focus shifted from liberation struggles to nation-building and developmental challenges. While formal political structures were established, the engagement of youth in these processes remained inconsistent, compounded by socio-economic disparities, unemployment, and limited access to education—factors that continue to shape youth participation today. Youth Engagement in Electoral and Democratic Processes The 2024 South African elections marked a significant juncture in youth political engagement. In the lead-up to the elections, efforts by civil society, political parties, and youth organisations aimed to mobilise young voters through social media campaigns, youth forums, and civic education programs. Initiatives like the South African Youth Council and various youth branches of political parties sought to increase awareness about electoral rights, policies affecting youth, and the importance of active participation. Post-2024, youth engagement has extended beyond voting to encompass a broader spectrum of democratic participation. Young people are increasingly involved in advocacy, protests, and social movements addressing critical issues such as climate change, unemployment, education reform, and social justice. Digital platforms play a central role, enabling youth to organize campaigns, hold leaders accountable, and participate in policy dialogues. Some youth-led initiatives have influenced policymakers to prioritize youth concerns, and young representatives are beginning to hold positions in local councils and parliamentary committees. However, despite these encouraging developments, challenges persist. Youth voter turnout remains inconsistent, partly due to disillusionment with political parties, lack of trust in leadership, and limited awareness about how to influence policy effectively. Moreover, youth participation is often superficial, with many young people engaging predominantly through symbolic acts rather than sustained engagement in governance processes. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Challenges in Engaging Democratic Processes Several intertwined challenges hinder meaningful youth participation in South Africa's democracy. Firstly, socio-economic hardships—high unemployment rates (notably among youth), poverty, and inadequate educational access—limit the capacity of young people to actively participate in civic life. Economic dependency often compels youth to prioritize immediate survival over political engagement. Secondly, political disillusionment and mistrust towards existing institutions and parties pose significant barriers. Many young South Africans perceive politicians as disconnected from their realities, fostering apathy and disengagement. This sentiment is exacerbated by corruption scandals and a perceived lack of accountability. Thirdly, structural barriers such as limited political literacy, inadequate civic education, and exclusion from decision-making forums diminish youth influence. Legal and institutional frameworks often do not facilitate youth involvement beyond voting, neglecting avenues for continuous engagement in policy formulation, oversight, and community development. Additionally, societal issues like violence, substance abuse, and gender inequality disproportionately impact youth, further distracting them from political participation and reinforcing cycles of disempowerment. The digital divide—limited access to online resources—also restricts many youths from leveraging digital platforms for activism. Strategies for Overcoming Challenges and Enhancing Youth Engagement To address these challenges, a multifaceted approach is essential. First, educational reforms must embed civic education into school curricula, fostering a culture of active citizenship from an early age. Equipping youth with knowledge about their rights, political processes, and leadership skills is fundamental. Second, creating inclusive platforms for youth participation is critical. Governments and political parties should establish youth councils, advisory committees, and participatory chambers at local and national levels, ensuring youth voices are integral to decision-making. Mentorship programs and leadership development initiatives can empower young leaders. Third, leveraging technology and social media responsibly can broaden reach and foster sustained engagement. Partnerships with civil society organizations can facilitate digital literacy campaigns, especially targeting marginalized communities.

School's decision to change name from ‘disgraced' DF Malan to DF Akademie ‘undeniably rational'
School's decision to change name from ‘disgraced' DF Malan to DF Akademie ‘undeniably rational'

Daily Maverick

time05-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Daily Maverick

School's decision to change name from ‘disgraced' DF Malan to DF Akademie ‘undeniably rational'

The Supreme Court of Appeal has upheld a Bellville school's decision to change its name from DF Malan High School to DF Akademie to distance itself from its apartheid past, despite objections from some parents. A Full Bench of the Supreme Court of Appeal (SCA) has dismissed a review application by four parents and found the school governing body (SGB) of DF Malan High School in Bellville, Western Cape, acted within its powers to rename the school in line with its values of inclusivity and academic excellence. This means the Afrikaans-medium school's name can be changed to DF Akademie, as suggested in May 2021. The voting for a new name took place in October 2021. Of the 3,466 votes received, the overwhelming majority, namely 85%, proposed DF Akademie. The litigation stems from Barend Rautenbach, Johan Smit, Francois Malan and Barend de Klerk taking umbrage against the SGB's decision after a consultative process in May 2021, to change the name of the school. In essence, they requested that the SCA review and set aside the decision of Western Cape Division of the High Court Judge Robert Henney, who dismissed the appellants' application to maintain the name DF Malan, the prime minister from 1948 to 195, who is considered to be one of the architects of apartheid. In his ruling, Henney said, 'The glorification of his name by an insistence that a school be named after him in post-apartheid South Africa where young people have to embrace a culture based on the values of our Constitution is an insult not only to them, but to the millions of South Africans who suffered at the hands of the apartheid regime.' The SCA judgment, penned by acting Judge John Smith, found the SGB's consultation process was comprehensive, fair and rational. 'The name of Dr Malan harks back to the apartheid era, an association that is fundamentally at odds with the school's ethos of inclusivity and transformation. The governing body's decision to purge the school of this unfortunate association with a disgraced legacy is thus undeniably rational and in the best interest of the school and all its stakeholders,' he stated. The ruling further stated that, while the school took pride in its academic success culture and inclusive policies, its controversial name had been an albatross around its neck. Stigma of name and call for change The school was established in 1954. Shortly after its establishment, the school obtained the permission of the then prime minister to name the school after him. In 2018, an alumnus wrote to the governing body, describing the name as 'insensitive and inappropriate' and demanded that the school begin a process to change its name. In September 2019, the school received similar letters from a parent of two learners. The pressure on the SGB to reconsider the school's name intensified during June 2020 when a group of alumni calling themselves 'DF Malan Must Fall' joined the fray. Their stated objective was to agitate for a name change and to address the 'institutional racism' at the school. In June 2020, the SGB began a process that would allow it to determine if the school's symbols, including its anthem and name, should be changed, as well as the cost implications thereof. Since the Schools Act does not prescribe a procedure for the changing of a school's name, the governing body was at sea concerning the issue and had to do its best to devise a fair process to enable consultation with stakeholders. All it had to rely on were circulars from the Department of Education and the Federation of Governing Bodies for South African Schools (Fedsas). Significantly, both circulars presumed that the governing body had the authority to change the school's name. A departmental circular, while instructing governing bodies to submit names to the provincial education department to enable it to check whether other schools bore the same name, expressly stated that a governing body's authority to change a school's name was beyond question. The Fedsas circular reminded governing bodies that changing a school's name was a sensitive matter and cautioned that wide consultation with all stakeholders, including parents, teachers, learners and the broader community, had to inform any decisions regarding a school's symbols, including its name, motto or emblem. Varied responses It was then suggested that the governing body create an ad hoc steering committee to oversee the consultation process and advise on potential new names or symbols. On 22 June 2020, the governing body wrote to all parents, students, alumni, and school staff on its database, informing them of its decision to begin a process to reconsider the school's name and symbols. The letter elicited a variety of responses, with some expressing misgivings about a name change, others supporting it and some making suggestions about the process that should be followed. The SGB then appointed an independent facilitator, Dr Jan Frederick Marais, a theologian of the Ecumenical Board of Stellenbosch University's Theology Faculty, and a renowned mediation expert, and thereafter a steering committee. Chairperson of the governing body Andre Roux asserted that although the steering committee members were advised to focus discussions on the school's symbols and identity, they were not instructed to prohibit discussions on the school's name. A draft report was eventually compiled and while everybody agreed with the school's core values as formulated by Dr Marais, three steering committee members disagreed with the decision to change the school's name. They were Veronica van Zyl, Mette Warnich – who also filed affidavits in support of the appeal application – and Gert Visser. On Marais's advice, a new task team was thereafter formed to advise the governing body on the formulation of a consultative process with stakeholders; criteria against which proposed new names could be evaluated; and the financial implications of a name change. The task team decided that invitations should be sent to all persons on the school's database to propose new names. After the invitations to comment were sent in April 2021, 626 of the recipients responded – 301 proposing that the name DF Malan be retained and 325 suggesting new names. However, the SGB decided that only two of the four names submitted by the task team were acceptable, namely Protea Akademie and DF Akademie. In a vote, DF Akademie won 85%. The appellants in the case took issue with several points. They claimed SGBs did not have the authority to change a school's name, that the SGB departed from the procedure it originally shared with the school community, stifled debate and failed to properly consult on the name change. The SCA judgment dismissed the complaints. 'I find that in changing the school's name, the governing body was acting within the ambit of its implied powers in terms of the Schools Act; that the procedure it adopted to consult interested parties was comprehensive, fair and rational; and that the decision to change the school's name was taken with due regard to, and rationally connected to the information before it. The appeal must therefore fail,' it read. DM

GDE scrambles to fix curriculum chaos at school after delays
GDE scrambles to fix curriculum chaos at school after delays

The Citizen

time29-05-2025

  • General
  • The Citizen

GDE scrambles to fix curriculum chaos at school after delays

A mid-year review is set for 31 July to assess progress and ensure all pupils are fully integrated into the standard curriculum by term 4. The Gauteng department of education on Wednesday confirmed that curriculum delivery is back on track at Tanganani Primary School in Diepsloot after a delayed start to the 2025 academic year caused by community disruptions. Learning and teaching only began on 12 May, despite the satellite school being scheduled to open on 5 May. According to the department, the delay stemmed from 'demands for economic beneficiation' in the community, which were 'beyond the control of the department'. Subject advisors deployed to avoid academic disruptions To ensure that teaching was not completely halted during the delay, the department deployed office-based subject advisors as interim teachers. 'This measure ensured that academic activities continued while the recruitment of permanent teachers proceeded,' the department said. Interviews for full-time teaching posts were finalised on 21 May, and those appointed are expected to report for duty on 2 June. In addition, the department plans to advertise three more posts to strengthen teaching capacity. ALSO READ: KZN Education welcomes arrest of alleged serial school rapist Catch-up programme in motion To compensate for lost teaching time, the department has launched a range of targeted catch-up initiatives. Baseline assessments were conducted between 12 and 16 May, with intervention programmes starting on 23 May. 'Remedial teaching and peer-supported learning sessions will continue until 30 September, 2025,' the department stated. A mid-year review is set for 31 July to assess progress and ensure all pupils are fully integrated into the standard curriculum by term 4. ALSO READ: Jobs for cash, missing millions and fire chaos: Gauteng education responds to school scandals Facilities in place despite initial construction delays The department confirmed that 18 classrooms have been delivered and are fully functional. The premises are secured with fencing and lockable gates, and there are flushing mobile toilets. Water tankers have also been provided to ensure a consistent supply. 'To provide temporary electricity, a generator was delivered on 15 May. A kiosk was installed on 24 May, with full power distribution expected by 27 May,' the department said. ALSO READ: More issues at GDE: Principal probe, school fires, and budget tug-of-war unpacked Funding for quintile 5 schools Meanwhile, it also announced it had allocated R671 million to quintile 5 schools in Gauteng for the 2024-25 financial year. Fee-paying Quintile 4 and 5 schools received R838 per pupil, while no-fee-paying schools in the same quintiles received R1 672 per pupil. Afrikaans-medium quintile 5 schools received R75.5 million, benefiting 103 schools across the province. The department reaffirmed its commitment to 'delivering quality education and ensuring that all students, regardless of their geographical or socio-economic background, have access to safe, supportive, and well-resourced learning environments'. NOW READ: Snakes and poor conditions for learning: Parents fear for their children's lives at Gauteng school

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