Latest news with #Al-Hijri
Al-Ahram Weekly
23-07-2025
- Politics
- Al-Ahram Weekly
De facto decentralisation in Syria - World - Al-Ahram Weekly
Clashes between Syria's Druze community and Sunni tribesmen showed the weakness of the country's interim government and the dangers of Israel's attempts at divide and rule Tensions in Syria continued to simmer this week following a surge of violent and bloody clashes between the Druze community and Sunni tribes in the southern region of Sweida. Despite efforts to de-escalate the situation, lasting stability remains elusive. Instead, there is growing apprehension that the crisis may deepen, exacerbated by the increasingly irreparable rift between Damascus's interim government and influential Druze spiritual leader Sheikh Hikmat Al-Hijri. Well-informed sources suggest that relations between the two have deteriorated beyond reconciliation, as the chasm widens between the transitional authorities' demands and those of Sheikh Al-Hijri, whose sway over his community has only strengthened after the recent brutal fighting and bloodshed Following the interim authorities' declaration of a ceasefire in Sweida, Sheikh Al-Hijri swiftly dismissed the announcement, stating that there existed no agreement or negotiations with Damascus. Instead, he appealed for international intervention to shield the Druze community from identity-based killing. Since the fall of the former Syrian regime in December, Al-Hijri has openly contested the legitimacy of the interim government, as well as its constitutional declaration, which he denounced as a 'dictatorial edict devoid of a popular mandate'. Insisting on a more inclusive process, he has demanded a participatory democratic constitution crafted by representatives from Syria's diverse governorates. He has likewise rejected the deployment of government forces into Sweida, maintaining that internal security remains the sole prerogative of the province's inhabitants. The rift between Al-Hijri and Damascus has now erupted into open confrontation. Hamza Al-Mustafa, Syria's minister of information within the interim government, affirmed that the administration 'is diligently engaged in efforts to de-escalate tensions in Sweida, guided by a strategy that upholds national cohesion and thwarts external meddling.' He emphasised that 'isolated actions such as those undertaken by Al-Hijri must not serve as a pretext to tarnish entire communities. Justice demands a clear distinction between individual conduct and collective identity.' While other Druze religious figures, such as Sheikh Youssef Jarbou, have shown a reluctance to confront Damascus and have distanced themselves from Al-Hijri's appeals for international protection, the sectarian violence in Sweida has only solidified Al-Hijri's standing among the Druze majority. This swelling support now presents the interim authorities with one of their most formidable challenges yet. Since assuming power in January 2025, Interim President Ahmad Al-Sharaa has struggled to establish centralised authority, with the absence of a unified national army standing as his most critical challenge. The new military remains a patchwork of former rebel factions absorbed wholesale with their existing command structures rather than a disciplined state force under Defence Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra's control. This lack of integration has perpetuated wartime divisions, with many groups retaining heavy weapons and operating autonomously. The government's failure to professionalise the armed forces has left local warlords and identity-based armed groups wielding real power, rendering Damascus's authority nominal in vast swaths of the country. This institutional vacuum has revitalised sectarian and tribal loyalties as the primary drivers of security. When sectarian violence erupts, whether against minority Alawites on the coast or Druze in Sweida, fighters mobilise along communal lines, exacerbating fragmentation. Al-Sharaa's presidency, built on his legacy as the former leader of the Islamist group Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham, faces a paradox: the very insurgent forces that toppled the former Syrian regime now resist subordination to the state they nominally serve. Unlike his rule in the north of the country in Idlib under the previous regime, where control relied on ideological cohesion and localised coercion, governing Syria demands balancing competing ethnic and sectarian interests within a fractured military and society. As a result, the transition appears increasingly hollow. Al-Sharaa's critics argue that rather than fostering inclusivity, his administration has concentrated power among a narrow elite, replicating the authoritarianism it ostensibly replaced. Key institutions are staffed by loyalists, not consensus-driven figures, while the extension of the transitional period to five years, far beyond the typical six- to 12-month framework, suggests an entrenchment of power rather than a path to democracy. The violence in Sweida, which has already claimed thousands of lives and left countless more wounded, has driven tens of thousands of civilians to seek refuge in the Daraa governorate, their exodus a stark testament to the deepening crisis. Moreover, in stark contrast to the brutal clashes last March along the Alawite-dominated coast, where violence rooted in sectarian identity unfolded without external interference, the turmoil in Sweida has drawn direct Israeli involvement. The Israeli response came in the form of shelling Syrian government forces and allied tribal militias, following Israel's declaration of a firm red line: no deployment of Syrian Army units in or around Sweida. This external constraint significantly undermines the Interim government's capacity to enforce its sovereignty in the province through military means. While the long-term consequences of this impasse have yet to fully materialise, one thing is clear: the Kurdish leadership in the north is closely monitoring these violent developments. As it continues delicate negotiations with the Damascus-based government, particularly over the terms of integrating into national institutions, foremost among them the army, the unfolding crisis in Sweida serves as a potent reminder of the fragile and fragmented nature of Syria. An Arab diplomat speaking to the Al-Ahram Weekly on condition of anonymity described Syria as standing at a critical juncture, one whose outcome could profoundly threaten the nation's fragile unity. 'The current trajectory is deeply alarming,' the diplomat cautioned, given its potential to unleash further destabilisation. 'Almost 15 years of civil war, compounded by relentless regional and international interference, have transformed Syria into a theatre of staggering complexity, a tangled web of competing alliances, divergent visions, and irreconcilable interests. This labyrinthine reality has rendered the prospect of national cohesion nearly unattainable, leaving the country mired in fragmentation and perpetual strife,' 'The authorities in Damascus pursue objectives starkly at odds with those of Syria's ethnic and sectarian factions. Similarly, the ambitions of Turkey and the Gulf states diverge from the strategic priorities of Israel and the US,' he said. Yet, the most intractable obstacle remains the absence of trust among the Syrian factions themselves, a legacy of years of bloodshed that has left each party clinging to external patrons rather than seeking common ground. These developments cast profound doubt upon the interim government's capacity to forge a unified Syrian state from Damascus. Since his appointment as US Special Envoy for Syria and Lebanon last May, Tom Barrack has consistently championed Washington's vision of a central Syrian state, firmly rejecting proposals to partition the nation along sectarian lines. Yet, the escalating violence in Sweida has compelled Barrack to recalibrate his rhetoric. In remarks some days ago, he acknowledged Washington's 'profound concern' over the deteriorating situation, urging meaningful political inclusion for minority groups and demanding accountability for atrocities perpetrated by regime-aligned forces. Perhaps most revealing was the tempered departure signaled by US State Department spokeswoman Tammy Bruce, who cautiously noted that Washington maintains 'no principled objection' to federalism or minority self-governance in Syria. Asked whether the US opposes federalism or autonomy for minorities in Syria, she responded that 'we do not oppose federalism or self-governance, but the decision lies with the Syrians.' A well-informed Western source close to Al-Sharaa and familiar with the complexities of the Syrian scene after the overthrow of the former regime told the Weekly that the growing likelihood of a decentralised system emerging in Syria 'stems less from a deliberate political decision by the Transitional Government and more from the increasing fragility of the central authority in Damascus'. The state's inability to project effective control beyond limited territories is becoming increasingly apparent, he argued. Syria today is a fragmented landscape, with competing military and political zones controlled by various actors. This fragmentation is not merely temporary but is solidifying into localised forms of governance that are more responsive to their populations than Damascus can currently afford to be. One of the critical drivers of this shift is the empowerment of ethnic and sectarian communities such as the Kurds and Druze, who not only participated in the uprising against the former regime and the Islamic State (IS) group but have since taken steps since to institutionalise their autonomy. These groups, having borne the brunt of the conflict, now demand not just recognition but also a stake in shaping the country's future. Their demands are amplified by scepticism over whether the interim government in Damascus genuinely intends to include them in the national dialogue or whether it will revert to the centralising tendencies of the past. Compounding the political discontent are Syria's devastating socioeconomic conditions, which continue to erode the state's legitimacy and capacity. The country suffers from hyperinflation, widespread unemployment, crippled infrastructure, and crumbling public services. The Syrian pound has lost most of its value, and millions are unable to meet basic needs. Investment is minimal, and the state's inability to provide jobs or even basic services has further alienated the population, pushing many local communities to rely on their own resources and governance mechanisms. Moreover, whispers of normalisation with Israel without any substantive restitution of occupied land and without democratic oversight or public accountability serve to undermine the government's credibility while potentially bartering away Syria's sovereignty for the transient stability of those in power. This pattern, argue Al-Sharaa's critics, reveals not a true political transformation, but rather the repackaging of authoritarian rule – a paradoxical dynamic where the state's institutional authority weakens even as its leaders tighten their grip on power. All these indicators, including military fragmentation, political exclusion, economic collapse, and geopolitical vulnerability, point towards an inevitable shift toward decentralisation not as a choice, but as a consequence of systemic weakness. Though Syria's interim government still retains a fleeting opportunity to reconstruct the nation on the foundations of pluralism and inclusive governance, that window is rapidly narrowing, the Arab diplomat warned. Intensifying sectarian and ethnic fissures, exacerbated by the opportunistic ambitions of regional actors, chief among them Israel, threaten to extinguish what little hope remains. In the turbulent wake of the former regime's collapse, Israel appears to be exploiting Syria's instability, seeking to fragment its territorial integrity. Cloaked in the language of humanitarian concern, its proposal for 'safe zones' in the south serves, in effect, as a bid to establish a demilitarised enclave under de facto Israeli control. * A version of this article appears in print in the 24 July, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:
Los Angeles Times
20-07-2025
- Politics
- Los Angeles Times
Syria's armed Bedouins say they have withdrawn from Druze-majority city after weeklong fighting
MAZRAA, Syria — Syria's armed Bedouin clans announced Sunday that they had withdrawn from the Druze-majority city of Sweida after weeklong clashes and a U.S.-brokered ceasefire, as humanitarian aid convoys started to enter the battered southern city. The clashes between militias of the Druze religious minority and the Sunni Muslim clans killed hundreds and threatened to unravel Syria's fragile postwar transition. Israel also launched dozens of airstrikes in the Druze-majority Sweida province, targeting government forces who had essentially sided with the Bedouins. The fighting also led to targeted sectarian attacks against the Druze community, followed by revenge attacks against the Bedouins. A series of tit-for-tat kidnappings sparked the violence in various towns and villages in the province, later spreading to Sweida city, the provincial capital. Government forces were redeployed to halt renewed fighting that erupted Thursday, before withdrawing again. Interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, who has been perceived as more sympathetic to the Bedouins, had tried to appeal to the Druze community while remaining critical of the militias. He later urged the Bedouins to leave the city, saying they 'cannot replace the role of the state in handling the country's affairs and restoring security.' 'We thank the Bedouins for their heroic stances but demand they fully commit to the ceasefire and comply with the state's orders,' he said in an address broadcast Saturday. Dozens of armed Bedouin fighters alongside other clans from around the country who came to support them remained on the outskirts of the city and were cordoned off by government security forces and military police. They blame the clashes on the Druze factions loyal to spiritual leader Sheikh Hikmat Al-Hijri and accuse them of harming Bedouin families. 'We will not leave until he turns himself in alongside those with him who tried to stir sedition. And only then will we go home.' Khaled al-Mohammad, who came to the southern province alongside other tribesman from the eastern Deir al-Zour province, told the Associated Press. The Bedouins' withdrawal brought a cautious calm to the area, with humanitarian convoys on their way. The Syrian Red Crescent said Sunday it sent 32 trucks loaded with food, medicine, water, fuel and other aid after the fighting left the province with power cuts and shortages. The state-run Syrian Arab News Agency, known as SANA, reported that the convoy entered Sweida on Sunday, but accused Al-Hijri and his armed Druze supporters of turning back a government delegation that accompanied another convoy. The Foreign Ministry in a statement said the convoy accompanying the delegation had two ambulances loaded with aid provided by local and international organizations. Al-Hijri did not directly respond to the accusations but said in a statement that he welcomes any assistance for Sweida and decried what he claims were distorted campaigns against him. 'We reaffirm that we have no dispute with anyone on any religious or ethnic basis,' the statement read. 'Shame and disgrace be upon all those who seek to sow discord and hatred in the minds of young people.' The U.N. International Organization for Migration said 128,571 people were displaced during the clashes, including 43,000 on Saturday alone. Washington's special envoy to Syria, Tom Barrack, said the clashes and atrocities 'overshadowed' an initial cautious optimism about the country's postwar transition and the international community's lifting of sanctions. 'All factions must immediately lay down their arms, cease hostilities and abandon cycles of tribal vengeance,' Barrack said on X. 'Syria stands at a critical juncture — peace and dialogue must prevail — and prevail now.' Among those killed in the weeklong fighting were dozens of Druze civilians slain in a series of targeted attacks in Sweida city at the hands of Bedouin fighters and government forces. Videos surfaced online of fighters destroying portraits of Druze religious officials and notables in homes, and shaving the mustaches of elderly Druze, seen as an insult to culture and tradition. Druze militias in return attacked Bedouin-majority areas on the outskirts of the province, forcing families to flee to neighboring Daraa province. More than half of the roughly 1 million Druze worldwide live in Syria. Most of the other Druze live in Lebanon and Israel, including in the Golan Heights, which Israel captured from Syria in the 1967 Mideast War and annexed in 1981. Syria's Druze largely celebrated the Assad family's downfall, which ended decades of autocratic rule. While they had concerns about Al-Sharaa's de facto Islamist rule, a large number wanted to approach matters diplomatically. Al-Hijri and his supporters, though, have taken a more confrontational approach with the interim president, contrary to most other influential Druze figures. Critics also note Al-Hijri's previous allegiance to ousted President Bashar Assad. But the recent clashes and sectarian attacks on the minority community have made a growing number of Druze in the area more skeptical about Damascus' new leadership and more doubtful of peaceful coexistence. Alsayed and Chehayeb write for the Associated Press and reported from Mazraa and Beirut, respectively.
Time of India
20-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Bedouins Threaten War If Druze Leader Resists Truce In Sweida; Ceasefire At Risk
Syrian Bedouin fighters have issued a stark ultimatum to Druze leader Hikmat Al-Hijri, threatening to resume violent clashes in Sweida if he fails to comply with the U.S.-brokered ceasefire. The fighters, who recently withdrew after deadly battles, insist they won't return home until Al-Hijri surrenders. Meanwhile, Israeli airstrikes and internal sectarian strife continue to inflame the situation. Watch Read More
Al Bawaba
01-05-2025
- Politics
- Al Bawaba
Deadly ambush kills 23 Druze fighters near Damascus
Published May 1st, 2025 - 01:08 GMT ALBAWABA - On Thursday, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said that 23 Druze rebels were killed in a road attack between Suwayda and Darara A. Also Read Lebanese PM visits Damascus to reset ties with Syria The rebels were going from Suwayda to Sahnaya, a town near Damascus. They were said to be going there to help armed groups in the area. Syrian troops from the Ministries of Defense and Interior, along with partner groups, set up a trap for their vehicle. The first death toll was raised when more bodies were found. In a different event, four more Druze rebels were killed when they fought with government troops in Al-Surah town. Suwayda 24 in the area called it a "treacherous ambush" and reported that many Druze people died while driving on the road. At the same time, things have been getting worse in Sahnaya, where 15 Syrian security officers were killed in fighting overnight. Major security actions were started by the Syrian government in the nearby town of Ashrafiyat Sahnaya. Armed men were arrested, and residents were told to stay a bad sign that Israeli bombs hit the area on Wednesday, making things even worse. Reports say that these strikes hurt people and made a lot of people leave their homes. As things got worse, Hikmat Al-Hijri, the top religious leader of the Druze in Syria, begged the world to protect them. "We no longer trust this government," he told us. "It has become normal to kill people. The world needs to do something now. Al-Hijri said that Syria doesn't need more probes, but needs help right away to stop the killing. He warned, "We have seen this same tragedy before," referring to other killings in Syria. At the end, he begged for an end to the fighting, saying that innocent people were paying the price even though they wanted peace. © 2000 - 2025 Al Bawaba (
