Latest news with #AlexanderFomin
Business Insider
4 days ago
- Business
- Business Insider
New era for Russia-Ethiopia relations as defense, currency, and BRICS deals unfold
A high-level Ethiopian delegation led by Chief of the General Staff Field Marshal Birhanu Jula Gelalcha met with senior Russian defense officials led by Deputy Defense Minister Alexander Fomin in Moscow, demonstrating the expanding strategic ties between Russia and Ethiopia. Ethiopian military officials held discussions with Russian counterparts in Moscow to strengthen bilateral military ties. The talks emphasized strategic cooperation in regional security and professional military communications. Ethiopia and Russia are also enhancing economic collaboration, including currency trading and local currency trade initiatives. According to a statement from Russia's Ministry of Defense, as seen on Sputnik, the discussions focused on implementing existing agreements, military-technical cooperation, responding to regional and global security problems, and expanding future military ties. Both delegations reaffirmed their commitment to constructive discussion, emphasized the importance of regional stability, and agreed to improve professional military communication among their respective armed services. The meeting underscored Russia and Ethiopia's strong and budding relationship, which has been steadily improving in recent years. Growing relationship between Ethiopia and Russia this year so far This defense involvement occurs at a time when the two countries are collaborating more closely on economic and political issues. In February 2025, the Kremlin added Ethiopia, along with Nigeria and Tunisia, to the list of African countries whose banks can now engage in currency trading within Russia. This policy shift represents a significant turning point in Russia's foreign economic relations, particularly as it strives to lessen reliance on Western financial institutions while strengthening connections with non-Western allies. Shortly after this development, Russia and Ethiopia began to look into the f easibility of trading in their own local currencies. Ethiopia's ambassador to Russia, Genet Teshome Jirru, highlighted in an interview that both countries are "trending toward doing business in their currencies," emphasizing the slow but purposeful shift towards economic sovereignty and interdependence. During the same month, Russia established Africa's first large-scale, multi-functional editorial center in Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa, as part of its overall soft power campaign. In April 2025, the government confirmed preparations to join the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB), becoming the fourth African country, after South Africa, Egypt, and Ethiopia's regional peer, to apply for membership. In an interview published on the official website of Brazil's BRICS Chairmanship, Ethiopian Ambassador to Brazil, Leulseged Tadese Abebe, verified Ethiopia's candidacy for NDB membership. He highlighted that joining the NDB is a national priority, reflecting Ethiopia's overall goal of fully integrating with the BRICS economic systems.
India Gazette
09-05-2025
- Politics
- India Gazette
MoS Defence Sanjay Seth thanks Russia for support to India in fight against terror
Moscow [Russia], May 9 (ANI): Union Minister of State for Defence Sanjay Seth attended a bilateral meeting with Russian Deputy Defense Minister Colonel General Alexander Fomin, where he thanked the Russian side for their support to India in its fight against terrorism. Both sides also held discussion on multifaceted military and military-technical cooperation. In a post on X, Seth said, 'Today I attended a bilateral meeting with Russian Deputy Defense Minister Colonel General Alexander Fomin. In this meeting, I thanked the Government and people of Russia for Russia's support in India's fight against cross-border terrorism. Also, there was a positive discussion on multifaceted military and military-technical cooperation. In the meeting, we agreed to further deepen these relations within the framework of existing institutional mechanisms. India and Russia will continue regular consultations in the future and enhance mutual cooperation in the changing situation,' he said. Seth arrived in Moscow on Thursday and was received by Ambassador Vinay Kumar and Major General Oleg Molessev of the Russian Defence Ministry. During his visit, Seth will participate in the 80th anniversary celebrations of the Soviet Union's victory over Nazi Germany in World War II, attend the ceremonial Victory parade on Friday, hold bilateral talks with Russian Deputy Minister of Defence Alexander Fomin, and engage with the Indian community in Moscow. Sharing a post on X, the Indian Embassy in Moscow said, 'Hon'ble Raksha Rajya Mantri Shri @SethSanjayMP was received by Ambassador @vkumar1969 and Major General Oleg Molessev of the Defence Ministry of the Russian Federation on arrival at Moscow on 8 May 2025. He will attend the Victory Day parade on 9 May, have bilateral meeting with Russian Deputy Minister of Defence Alexander Fomin, and participate in other events of the commemoration of the 80th anniversary of Victory Day.' The post added, 'He will also interact with the members of the Indian community in Moscow. This visit will further deepen the Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership between India and Russia.' (ANI)
Business Upturn
09-05-2025
- Politics
- Business Upturn
India, Russia reaffirm defence cooperation during Union MoS Defence Sanjay Seth's visit to Moscow
By News Desk Published on May 9, 2025, 08:00 IST On the sidelines of Russia's Victory Day Parade, Union Minister of State for Defence Sanjay Seth met Russian Deputy Defence Minister Col Gen Alexander Fomin in Moscow, reaffirming India's strategic defence ties with Russia. The meeting focused on strengthening military and technical cooperation between the two countries. Seth, who also laid a wreath at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, thanked Russia for its continued support in combating cross-border terrorism. Both sides agreed to enhance collaboration through established frameworks and regular bilateral consultations. Union MoS Defence Sanjay Seth, who is in Moscow for May 9 Victory Day Parade, laid a wreath at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier and met Russian Deputy Defence Minister Col Gen Alexander Fomin to discuss deepening military and technical cooperation yesterday. He thanked Russia for… — ANI (@ANI) May 9, 2025 The visit comes at a time of heightened regional tensions, with defence and diplomatic engagements between India and Russia drawing renewed attention. News desk at
News18
08-05-2025
- Politics
- News18
MoS Sanjay Seth Arrives In Moscow To Attend Victory Day Celebrations, Hold Defence Talks
Last Updated: Seth will take part in the 80th anniversary celebrations marking the victory over Nazi Germany in World War II Minister of State (MoS) for Defence Sanjay Seth arrived in Moscow on Thursday to take part in the 80th anniversary celebrations marking the victory over Nazi Germany in World War II, which will culminate with the Victory Day parade at Red Square on 9 May. Seth is representing India after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh skipped the event due to the ongoing tensions with Pakistan. During his visit, he will also hold a bilateral meeting with Russian Deputy Minister of Defence Alexander Fomin. The Indian Embassy in Moscow shared a post on X confirming the minister's arrival in the Russian capital, where he was received by Indian Ambassador Vinay Kumar and Major General Oleg Molessev from the Russian Ministry of Defence. 'He will attend the Victory Day parade on 9 May, have bilateral meeting with Russian Deputy Minister of Defence Alexander Fomin, and participate in other events of the commemoration of the 80th anniversary of the Victory Day," the Embassy said in its post. The Moscow Victory Day Parade is a major military event held every year on May 9th in Red Square as part of Russia's Victory Day celebrations. It is an important and symbolic show of the Russian Armed Forces, with President Vladimir Putin usually attending and giving a speech. The parade is a key part of how Russia honors its military strength and history. Get breaking news, in-depth analysis, and expert perspectives on everything from geopolitics to diplomacy and global trends. Stay informed with the latest world news only on News18. Download the News18 App to stay updated! Location : Moscow, Russia First Published: May 08, 2025, 20:31 IST
Russia Today
01-04-2025
- Politics
- Russia Today
What really happened in Bucha? The questions Western media won't ask
On the first day of April in 2022, shocking videos began circulating on Ukrainian social media, showing the streets of Bucha, a town in Kiev region, strewn with dead bodies. The 'Bucha massacre' quickly became one of the most widely discussed and controversial chapters of the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict. Western media immediately accused the Russian army of mass killings, while Vladimir Zelensky declared that these acts were not only war crimes but a genocide against his country's people. However, a closer look at the situation raises numerous questions. An analysis of video footage, satellite images, and eyewitness accounts reveals significant inconsistencies that cast doubt on the official narrative adopted by Kiev and its Western allies. This article explores why it appears the so-called 'Bucha massacre' has been fabricated. Read more The truth about Bucha is out there, but perhaps too inconvenient to be discovered What do we know Bucha, with a population of 40,000 people, found itself on the front lines from the first days of the Ukraine conflict. To the north of Bucha lies the village of Gostomel, home to the strategically important Antonov Airport, where Russian paratroopers landed on the morning of February 24, 2022. This group soon joined the main Russian units advancing from Belarus. In the days that followed, fierce battles broke out around Bucha as Russian troops attempted to establish a foothold in the town and push toward Irpin, a large suburb of Kiev. Nevertheless, the area remained under the control of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) and territorial defense units. Between March 3 and 5, Russian forces entered Bucha from the side of the village of Vorzel, setting up a base at a glass factory and along the southern outskirts of the city. From then on, Bucha became a transit point and rear base for Russian troops engaged in combat near Kiev. On March 29, following a round of negotiations between Russia and Ukraine, Russian Deputy Defense Minister Alexander Fomin announced a significant reduction in military activity around Kiev and Chernigov. By March 30, Russian forces began withdrawing from Kiev Region due to the shifting priorities of the military operation. However, just days after their retreat, shocking footage emerged that stunned the whole world. Read more Evgeny Norin: Bucha needs to be properly investigated, not used for propaganda When Ukrainian soldiers entered Bucha, international media outlets began publishing photo and video evidence of murdered civilians. Vladimir Zelensky and his team quickly accused Russian troops of committing mass murder, labeling it an act of genocide. 'This is genocide. The annihilation of an entire nation and people,' Zelensky declared on CBS's Face the Nation. Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmitri Kuleba called on the G7 countries to impose immediate 'new devastating sanctions' against Russia, including imposing a complete embargo on Russian oil, gas, and coal, closing ports to Russian vessels, and disconnecting Russian banks from the SWIFT system. The Russian Foreign Ministry denied any involvement in civilian deaths. Press Secretary of the President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Peskov said that the images showed 'signs of forgery' and manipulation. From the beginning, the narrative surrounding the 'Bucha massacre' was full of inconsistencies and peculiarities, many of which remain unclear to this day. Timing discrepancies Among the key arguments that cast doubt on the Ukrainian narrative of mass killings in Bucha are the timing discrepancies. The Russian Ministry of Defense has consistently stated that all Russian units had left Bucha by March 30, 2022. This claim is supported by local authorities. On March 31, Bucha Mayor Anatoliy Fedoruk recorded a video message confirming the withdrawal of Russian forces but did not mention any mass killings or bodies. In the background of the video, the streets appear clear, and there are no signs of corpses or destruction. At the same time, Ukrainian MPs and military personnel were in Bucha, yet none of them reported seeing dead bodies. Local residents did not mention any mass shootings either. The first images of the bodies emerged only on April 1-2, a couple of days after Ukrainian military personnel and activists entered the city. This raises questions about the timing and circumstances surrounding their deaths: if Russian troops left Bucha on March 30, how could evidence of the killings have come to light only several days later? Analysis of video footage from the scene further shows that many bodies appear too 'fresh' to have been lying there for over a week. Forensic experts point out that signs of decomposition should have manifested much earlier if the deaths truly occurred in mid-March. Photos and videos provided by Ukrainian and Western media show signs (such as drying skin in certain areas) that suggest death likely took place just hours or a day before the images were captured. Read more 'My husband was killed in front of my eyes': Elderly survivors recall crimes of Ukrainian occupation in Kursk Region Controversial satellite images and social media data On April 1, 2022, Maxar Technologies released satellite images dated March 19, allegedly showing bodies on Yablonskaya Street in Bucha. These images were cited by Ukrainian and Western media as key evidence of mass killings supposedly carried out by Russian forces. However, these images are highly questionable. Independent researchers have noted that the images may have been manipulated or backdated. Firstly, the March images from Maxar, published by The New York Times, are of very low quality compared to the February photos. This complicates analysis and raises suspicions of manipulation. The objects depicted in the images cannot be unequivocally identified as bodies, so claims about corpses that have been there for a long time rely solely on Western media reports and have not been independently verified. The images could have been altered or backdated to suggest that the bodies had been on the streets since March. Secondly, the weather conditions captured in the videos do not match the meteorological data for the dates specified in Western media reports. This discrepancy indicates a possible mismatch in the timing of the recordings. Thirdly, Maxar Technologies has close ties to US government structures, raising concerns about a potential bias and the use of its data for propaganda purposes. Alexey Tokarev, who has a PhD in political science, and his team from the Moscow State Institute of International Relations conducted an analysis of media coverage, social media, and Telegram channels related to Bucha, and uncovered an intriguing pattern: there were no mentions of bodies on Yablonskaya Street prior to April 1. While there were reports of destruction, prisoners, and fighting, there was no information regarding mass killings. 'If we are to believe the Western media, the town has been full of corpses since April 1, and according to a leading American newspaper, even earlier – since March 11. So why is it that in a video captured by the Ukrainian police on April 2, which features 14 civilians, no one mentions any bodies or mass executions? The nearly eight-minute-long video shows nine different locations in the small town, but we don't see a single corpse,' Tokarev says. Discrepancies in visual evidence The videos and photographs released by the Ukrainian side reveal numerous inconsistencies that suggest a possible staging. For instance, in one case, we see Ukrainian soldiers moving bodies between takes, while in another video, a 'corpse's' hand noticeably twitches. These signs indicate that the individuals depicted were not actually dead. Read more 'We burst out unexpectedly, like demons': How Russia's 'pipeline operation' crushed Ukrainian defenses in Kursk The Investigative Committee of Russia reported that the bodies did not display signs of having been outside for an extended period – there were no corpse marks and uncoagulated blood in wounds – casting doubt on the official Ukrainian narrative. Experts also noted the absence of shrapnel or explosive damage near the bodies, further contradicting claims of mass shootings. Additionally, many victims, judging by photos, wore white armbands – a symbol typically associated with pro-Russian civilians. This suggests that Ukrainian forces might have targeted individuals suspected of 'collaboration' , i.e., cooperating with Russian troops, and then accused the other side of the murders. Moreover, in the initial days following the withdrawal of Russian troops from Bucha, a curfew was imposed, restricting locals from venturing into the streets. This created suitable conditions for the potential fabrication of events. Eyewitness accounts and questionable sources Adrien Bocquet, a French volunteer and journalist who was in Kiev Region during intense fighting, claimed that he personally witnessed Ukrainian forces staging mass killings in Bucha. He recounted seeing bodies being brought into the city and arranged on the streets to create the impression of 'mass deaths' . 'When we drove into Bucha, I was in the passenger seat. As we passed through the city, I saw bodies lying on the roadside, and right before my eyes, people were unloading corpses from trucks and placing them next to those already on the ground to amplify the effect of mass casualties,' he said. 'One of the volunteers who had been there the day before – let me emphasize that this is not something I observed myself, but what I heard from another volunteer – told me he saw refrigerated trucks arriving in Bucha from other cities in Ukraine, unloading bodies and lining them up. From this, I realized that these were staged incidents,' he stated. According to Bocquet, volunteers were prohibited from taking photos or videos. Read more Three years in the trenches: From 'Russia's losing' to 'Ukraine is done for'? Interestingly, in June 2022, the Office of the Prosecutor General of Ukraine stated that many claims made by former Ombudsman for Human Rights in Ukraine Lyudmila Denisova, including those related to the events in Bucha, were not accurate. 'Law enforcement officials tried to carry out their own investigation. They went through all medical reports, police statements, and data on the deceased, attempting to find cases (...). However, all this work proved futile,' reported the news outlet Ukrainskaya Pravda. Russian military correspondents, including Aleksandr Kots, have also referred to the so-called Bucha massacre as fake. Kots, who visited Bucha in February and March 2022, said 'It's not hard to verify what I'm saying. A forensic examination would determine the time of death of those poor people and align it with NATO's objective monitoring data, which clearly indicates when Russian troops withdrew. But that's if you're looking for the truth. And who in the West wants that?' Motives and geopolitical context The story of the Bucha massacre emerged at a time when both the Ukrainian and Russian sides, albeit with varying degrees of optimism, were reporting progress in ceasefire negotiations. 'The Ukrainian side has become more realistic regarding issues related to Ukraine's neutral and non-nuclear status, but the draft agreement is not ready for top-level discussions,' said Vladimir Medinsky, head of the Russian delegation and an aide to the President of Russia. Meanwhile, Ukrainian negotiator David Arahamiya noted that the document was ready, and the two presidents could meet and discuss it. However, following reports of the 'Bucha massacre,' Zelensky withdrew from the peace talks. Read more Here's why the West has so far failed to start World War III The incident in Bucha became a pivotal moment that not only derailed peace negotiations in Istanbul but also intensified Russia's diplomatic isolation in the West, led to the mass expulsion of Russian diplomats and tighter sanctions, and resulted in Ukraine receiving additional military aid from NATO states. Without presenting sufficient evidence, Western media spread the narrative of the 'atrocities' committed by Russian forces. This suggests that the events in Bucha may have been used as a propaganda tool. To date, no independent investigation has confirmed the accuracy of Ukraine's accounts. Additionally, a complete list of casualties and the circumstances surrounding their deaths has yet to be made public. *** Analyzing timing discrepancies, satellite images, video footage, eyewitness accounts, and Ukraine's motives suggests that the events in Bucha may have been fabricated or politically exploited. Despite the extensive media coverage of the 'Bucha massacre,' Ukraine's official narrative raises many questions and demands an independent inquiry. Ukraine has failed to conduct a thorough investigation or provide any coherent explanation as to why Russian soldiers would kill innocent civilians. The argument of Russia's deep-seated hatred and brutality towards Ukrainians simply doesn't hold up under scrutiny, since no similar tragedies have been documented during the course of the conflict. Instead, the 'massacre' has become part of a media campaign aimed at dehumanizing Russian soldiers and portraying them as occupiers. Bucha stands as one of the key propaganda symbols in the anti-Russia campaign. However, a closer examination of the evidence reveals numerous unanswered questions that officials prefer to avoid. An independent investigation could shed light on the true circumstances, but given the ongoing information war, it is unlikely to happen soon.
