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Excerpt from ‘The Hiroshima Men': The Quest to Build the Atomic Bomb, and the Fateful Decision to Use It
Excerpt from ‘The Hiroshima Men': The Quest to Build the Atomic Bomb, and the Fateful Decision to Use It

The Hindu

time06-08-2025

  • General
  • The Hindu

Excerpt from ‘The Hiroshima Men': The Quest to Build the Atomic Bomb, and the Fateful Decision to Use It

At 8:15 a.m. on August 6, 1945, the Japanese port city of Hiroshima was struck by the world's first atomic bomb that had been built in the U.S. by the top-secret Manhattan Project. Dropped by a B-29 Superfortress, a long-range bomber, the weapon destroyed large parts of the city, and killed tens of thousands. The Hiroshima Men traces the path to the attack and its aftermath through the experiences of several key characters, including General Leslie Groves, leader of the Manhattan Project alongside Robert Oppenheimer; pioneering Army Air Force bomber pilot Colonel Paul Tibbets II; the mayor of Hiroshima, Senkichi Awaya, who died in the attack; and Pulitzer Prize-winning novelist John Hersey, who exposed the devastation the bomb inflicted on a city and its people. An excerpt: General Curtis LeMay had now been with the 509th for a few days, having landed on Tinian on August 3. There was a reason the commander was making a personal, somewhat unusual visit to the island airstrip. He was carrying sealed orders for Colonel Paul Tibbets: 'Special Bombing Mission No. 13.' Within it, and what he would discuss with the strike leader, was the authorised date for the attack on Japan with the weapon. The date agreed was August 6, and LeMay discussed with Tibbets the targets that had been assigned: Primary—Hiroshima urban industrial area Secondary—Kokura arsenal and city Tertiary—Nagasaki urban area. The order confirmed that no friendly aircraft, 'other than those listed herein, will be within a fifty-mile area of any of the targets for this strike during the period of four hours prior to and six subsequent to strike time.' The Hiroshima Men: The Quest to Build the Atomic Bomb, and the Fateful Decision to Use It Iain MacGregor Constable/Hachette India ₹799 Inspecting 'Little Boy' Thirty-two copies were distributed to commands in Guam, Iwo Jima, and Tinian. Tibbets locked his copy in the office safe and then departed with LeMay to inspect Little Boy, nestling on its cradle in the Tech Area. The most important commanders on the base were barred from entry by one vigilant MP (Military Police) who demanded LeMay first hand over his cigars and matches. Earlier that morning, the senior military men and scientists on Tinian had agreed that Tibbets's weaponeer for the mission, Captain William S. 'Deak' Parsons, would arm the device in flight. Parsons had made a convincing case that to have the bomb armed before actual take-off risked destroying the whole island should the Enola Gay suffer a malfunction and crash—as so many other B-29s had over the past months. The fear of catastrophic engine failure haunted all of them. Parsons would crawl to the bomb bay early in the flight to insert one of the uranium plugs and the explosive charge into the bomb to fully arm it. Take a look at our infographic: 80 years ago: The atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki In the baking midday heat, Tibbets had decided to go and judge the finished livery he had instructed the crews to paint on the newly christened Enola Gay. He admired his mother's name in a bold black font beneath the pilot's side of the cockpit. The imposing bomber, along with the other six that would accompany him on the mission, had their distinctive 509th arrow inside a circle insignia removed and replaced with a simple large black R. Tibbets worried that any deviation might lead an inquisitive Japanese interceptor to attack them. He now oversaw the plane being towed to the loading pit. He studied the weapon as it was slowly and carefully hoisted into the bomb bay of the Enola Gay by the technical staff. Wiping the sweat from his forehead with his handkerchief, Tibbets could make out a variety of scrawled messages; one declared, To Emperor Hirohito, from the Boys of the Indianapolis. He recognised the tribute to the old battleship that had delivered parts of the bomb to Tinian. He took in the familiar dimensions of the plumb-shaped, gunmetal-gray ordnance: nine hundred pounds, twelve feet long, a diameter of twenty-eight inches, and sharp tailfins protruding. Tibbets later recalled in his memoir: 'Looking at the huge bomb with its blunt nose and four tail fins, I wondered why we were calling it 'Little Boy.' It was not little by any standard. It was a monster compared with any bomb that I had ever dropped.' In a poker game Later that evening, Tibbets called the crews together for a briefing. Theodore Van Kirk recalled: 'We knew this was going to be a very important thing because they had guys with Tommy Guns out situated around the briefing hut. Who's going to go on the mission, what the course is going to be, what the bomb heading is going to be and all that kind of stuff. Then they tell us to go and get some sleep and they'll call us at 10 p.m. for the final briefing, the final breakfast and then we'll go down to the airplane. How are they supposed to tell you you're going out to drop the first atomic bomb and then go and get some sleep is absolutely beyond me. I know Tibbets didn't sleep, and I know Ferebee didn't sleep, and I know I didn't sleep, because we were [all] still in the same poker game, and I don't even remember who won!' The crews had been informed that there would be two deviations from the procedures they had practised. Tibbets had decided to change the Enola Gay's call sign from 'Victor' to 'Dimples.' Just as he feared an air attack from enemy interceptors, so he fretted that they might also pick up his call sign via radio traffic. Secondly, now that Parsons had won his argument to arm the bomb in flight, Tibbets announced they would remain at an altitude of five thousand feet for the first leg of the flight. Parsons needed as much stability in flight as possible to do the job safely. He assured the crews precautions had been taken with the U.S. Navy for a thorough safety net of vessels and submarines situated at points along the route below, to retrieve them should the Enola Gay or any other plane on the mission ditch in the sea. At 11 p.m., the three crews were brought together one final time for Tibbets to address them: 'Tonight is the night we have all been waiting for. Our long months of training are to be put to the test. We will soon know if we have been successful or failed. Upon our efforts tonight it is possible that history will be made. We are going on a mission to drop a bomb different from any you have ever seen or heard about. This bomb contains a destructive force equivalent to twenty thousand tons of TNT.' Excerpted with permission from Constable/Hachette India

Opinion - This Memorial Day, love America enough to fight for it
Opinion - This Memorial Day, love America enough to fight for it

Yahoo

time26-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Opinion - This Memorial Day, love America enough to fight for it

Memorial Day is the first of the summer's patriotic holidays. That makes it a good time to think about patriotism and what love of country requires of us today. As we honor the people who have died while serving in the U.S. military, let's also consider how we can honor the American promise for which they sacrificed. This year, I've been thinking about two people who taught me different ways of looking at and loving our country. One is Norman Lear, the legendary television producer, energetic activist and founder of my organization, People For the American Way. Lear dropped out of college after the attack on Pearl Harbor to join the Army Air Force, and flew more than 50 missions on a bomber crew to liberate Europe from fascism. He was a lifelong patriot and a lover of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. Lear was, up to his final breath, a dogged optimist that people working together could move us closer to the ideals in those documents, even if he was, like many of us, discouraged at times when our progress was threatened. On his 100th birthday, he wrote, 'I am a flag-waving believer in truth, justice and the American way, and I don't understand how so many people who call themselves patriots can support efforts to undermine our democracy and our Constitution.' I second that emotion. The second person I'm thinking about is James Baldwin, the brilliant social critic and one of my favorite authors. My mother introduced me to Baldwin's writings when I was young as a way of helping me understand what it meant to be a Black man in America. Baldwin also helped me understand what it means to be American. 'I love America more than any other country in the world,' Baldwin wrote in 1955, 'and, exactly for this reason, I insist on the right to criticize her perpetually.' Baldwin and Lear are no longer with us, but there are many brilliant and loving critics who are raising their voices today to defend the Constitution and American ideals. I am proud to align myself with them. Of the many lies perpetuated by President Trump and his allies, one of the most untrue and malicious is that liberals, Democrats, or whoever is their target of the moment, 'hate America.' You can see and hear that false charge everywhere — on social media, from MAGA commentators and publications, right-wing pollsters and even Elon Musk and members of Congress. Even members of the military aren't safe from being smeared. The patriotism of high-ranking officers is denigrated. The libraries at our esteemed military academies are subject to an ideological purge. Meanwhile, Trump's recent speech to troops stationed in Qatar was wildly self-aggrandizing and inappropriately partisan. One of the most ridiculous examples I've seen was Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) charging that Democrats hate America because they weren't enthusiastic about her effort to enshrine in legislation the president's executive order renaming the Gulf of Mexico. On what grounds do they make the claim that people who have devoted their lives to service as elected officials, teachers and community activists supposedly hate this country? It's pure propaganda. It's offensive. And it's damaging to our political culture. In fact, all it takes to get smeared by MAGA is criticizing Trump or part of his political agenda. Defending the rights of immigrants to due process. Opposing the reckless destruction of the Department of Government Efficiency's mindless mass firings of scientists, park rangers and other public servants. Supporting the separation of church and state to protect all Americans' religious freedom. To my mind, people taking time to do any of those things is a sign that they love our country enough to fight for what is best about it. Insisting that Trump is required to follow the law and abide by the Constitution is patriotic. As the president prepares to make himself the centerpiece of this year's military parade and next year's celebration of the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, remember this: America was founded in resistance to the tyranny of a king. Resisting Trump's efforts to act like a mad and unaccountable king is a profoundly patriotic act. Svante Myrick is president of People For the American Way. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

This Memorial Day, love America enough to fight for it
This Memorial Day, love America enough to fight for it

The Hill

time26-05-2025

  • Politics
  • The Hill

This Memorial Day, love America enough to fight for it

Memorial Day is the first of the summer's patriotic holidays. That makes it a good time to think about patriotism and what love of country requires of us today. As we honor the people who have died while serving in the U.S. military, let's also consider how we can honor the American promise for which they sacrificed. This year, I've been thinking about two people who taught me different ways of looking at and loving our country. One is Norman Lear, the legendary television producer, energetic activist and founder of my organization, People For the American Way. Lear dropped out of college after the attack on Pearl Harbor to join the Army Air Force, and flew more than 50 missions on a bomber crew to liberate Europe from fascism. He was a lifelong patriot and a lover of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. Lear was, up to his final breath, a dogged optimist that people working together could move us closer to the ideals in those documents, even if he was, like many of us, discouraged at times when our progress was threatened. On his 100th birthday, he wrote, 'I am a flag-waving believer in truth, justice and the American way, and I don't understand how so many people who call themselves patriots can support efforts to undermine our democracy and our Constitution.' I second that emotion. The second person I'm thinking about is James Baldwin, the brilliant social critic and one of my favorite authors. My mother introduced me to Baldwin's writings when I was young as a way of helping me understand what it meant to be a Black man in America. Baldwin also helped me understand what it means to be American. 'I love America more than any other country in the world,' Baldwin wrote in 1955, 'and, exactly for this reason, I insist on the right to criticize her perpetually.' Baldwin and Lear are no longer with us, but there are many brilliant and loving critics who are raising their voices today to defend the Constitution and American ideals. I am proud to align myself with them. Of the many lies perpetuated by President Trump and his allies, one of the most untrue and malicious is that liberals, Democrats, or whoever is their target of the moment, 'hate America.' You can see and hear that false charge everywhere — on social media, from MAGA commentators and publications, right-wing pollsters and even Elon Musk and members of Congress. Even members of the military aren't safe from being smeared. The patriotism of high-ranking officers is denigrated. The libraries at our esteemed military academies are subject to an ideological purge. Meanwhile, Trump's recent speech to troops stationed in Qatar was wildly self-aggrandizing and inappropriately partisan. One of the most ridiculous examples I've seen was Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) charging that Democrats hate America because they weren't enthusiastic about her effort to enshrine in legislation the president's executive order renaming the Gulf of Mexico. On what grounds do they make the claim that people who have devoted their lives to service as elected officials, teachers and community activists supposedly hate this country? It's pure propaganda. It's offensive. And it's damaging to our political culture. In fact, all it takes to get smeared by MAGA is criticizing Trump or part of his political agenda. Defending the rights of immigrants to due process. Opposing the reckless destruction of the Department of Government Efficiency's mindless mass firings of scientists, park rangers and other public servants. Supporting the separation of church and state to protect all Americans' religious freedom. To my mind, people taking time to do any of those things is a sign that they love our country enough to fight for what is best about it. Insisting that Trump is required to follow the law and abide by the Constitution is patriotic. As the president prepares to make himself the centerpiece of this year's military parade and next year's celebration of the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, remember this: America was founded in resistance to the tyranny of a king. Resisting Trump's efforts to act like a mad and unaccountable king is a profoundly patriotic act. Svante Myrick is president of People For the American Way.

We are called the greatest generation for good reason. Here's why.
We are called the greatest generation for good reason. Here's why.

Yahoo

time26-05-2025

  • General
  • Yahoo

We are called the greatest generation for good reason. Here's why.

Editor's Note: This is the text of a Memorial Day address delivered in 2016. I want to thank Linda Dixon and the (Lexington, Massachusetts) Celebrations Committee for inviting me to speak today. I have declined to speak at such events in the past. I decided to accept the invitation today because so many of those with whom I served in WWII are no longer with us and I want to share with you what we learned in the war and its aftermath. Today we assemble to remember the men and women who sacrificed their lives for our country. It is right and important that we remember and grieve with the families, the mothers, fathers, brothers and sisters, husbands and wives, who lost loved ones in America's wars. Today, we honor the warriors, but never war itself. I fought in World War II in the Army Air Force. Some of my brother soldiers were lost in that war. It was a just war, a war that had to be waged to defeat fascism in Europe that would have enslaved peoples throughout the world. I flew 70 combat missions in that war. On a flight over Ostiglia, Italy in November, 1944 our plane was hit. The pilot and co-pilot were stunned by flak from the enemies' anti- aircraft guns that hit the windshield. The badly damaged plane was diving toward the ground. Unaware that the pilots were incapacitated, I was about to parachute from the plane. But at the last minute I realized no one else was bailing out so I checked the pilots. I found them plumped in the cockpit, stunned. I worked to revive them and was successful. They regained control of the plane. So, I was one of the lucky ones who survived that war without any serious mishaps. We lost more than 400,000 Americans in that war and the worldwide losses exceeded 80 million people. My younger brother, Arnold, was wounded in the assault on Okinawa. We mourn for the Americans who died in that war and for all those who died in wars before and since. My generation has been referred to as the greatest generation. I think this appellation is appropriate for three reasons. First unlike the divisiveness and sectarianism of today, Americans were united in a single purpose that involved everyone in one way or another. Whether you were on the front lines or on the home front, whether you were rich or poor, everyone was asked to sacrifice for the good of the country and mankind. Second, during the war, President Franklin Roosevelt issued an executive order that forced US military contractors to end racial discrimination in employment and (later President) Truman began integrating the armed forces. Third, returning soldiers were offered an opportunity to pursue a college education through the GI Bill, an education many could not have afforded otherwise. America invested in its people creating the most educated and productive generation the world had ever seen. That generation went on to build an American that ended legal segregation and created an economy of shared prosperity. Today education is becoming prohibitively expensive. Student debt has soared. We are losing our place in the world's intellectual growth. Inequality has returned to levels not seen since the Gilded Age. Wars have caused enormous losses of life and property in the past. But with the weapons available in the world today those losses are nothing compared to what could happen in an all-out war today. Entire cities and their populations could be lost with one bomb detonating. Add to that the threat of climate change and it is clear that our survival and the future of our kids, grandkids and great grandkids requires cooperation among nations rather than blustering, sword rattling and conflict. Why do we fight wars? Since World War II we have been involved in too many wars for the wrong reasons. Our friends one day become our enemies the next. Our leaders rally us to war by claiming that freedom or democracy is endangered and, in the end, we make enemies of those we are told we are freeing. War is an ultimate political solution and must never be entered into lightly. It is a double tragedy to lose Americans in wars that should never have been fought. And it is for that reason that I think Memorial Day should be a day to honor peace and those who campaign for peaceful solutions as well as the men and women who have given their lives for our country in war. We mourn for the Americans and all those who died in World War II and all wars before and since. Over 100,000 Americans have died in wars since WWII. I question how many of those losses might have been avoided had we sought solutions other than resorting to war. Opinion: My aunts survived the Holocaust. Now, we must do more than say 'never again.' The men and women who serve in our armed forces do not choose the wars our country fights. Politicians, businessmen and generals make that deadly choice. But it is the soldiers who make the ultimate sacrifice, often without questioning the motives of those who send them into battle. On this Memorial Day, I ask all of you to remember the men and women who died too young and those living who have served or are serving our country and to all veterans living and dead. Milwaukee resident Michael Rosen contributed this speech from his uncle Sam Berman, who spoke at a Massachusetts Memorial Day event in 2016. Berman, who attended the University of Wisconsin, won the Distinguished Flying Cross during World War II. He died on May 3, 2021 at 98. This article originally appeared on Milwaukee Journal Sentinel: WWII veteran says Memorial Day should also honor peace | Opinion

Former Army Pilot Hopes for World Without War; ‘War Produces Nothing But Victims'
Former Army Pilot Hopes for World Without War; ‘War Produces Nothing But Victims'

Yomiuri Shimbun

time21-05-2025

  • General
  • Yomiuri Shimbun

Former Army Pilot Hopes for World Without War; ‘War Produces Nothing But Victims'

The Yomiuri Shimbun Reiji Kitajima talks about his wartime experiences while showing pictures from his days at the Mito army aviation school, on April 18 in Fujisawa. During the Pacific War, Reiji Kitajima was sent to Manila and other battlefronts in the south as an army fighter plane pilot. At 102 years old, Kitajima, who lives in Fujisawa, Kanagawa Prefecture, recalls why he became a pilot: to fulfill his childhood dream of flying. He also remembers how he gradually came to see shooting down enemy fighter plane as a matter of course. With almost 80 years having passed since the end of the war, there are fewer and fewer people who can share their wartime experiences. 'War produces nothing but victims,' he said. 'We must continue to think about what we can do to stop war.' Kitajima was born in Shizuoka Prefecture in 1923, the sixth of nine children to parents who were green tea farmers. After graduating from a higher elementary school, he left his parents' house in search of a stable life and began working at a post office in present-day Fujisawa. Although the Sino-Japanese War had begun in 1937, he believed wars had nothing to do with him. However, his life totally changed when he was 18 years old. He saw a call for volunteer soldiers in a newspaper and was inspired to become a pilot so he could fly out of the small world he had lived in so far. He volunteered for the military without a sense of the realness of war. He passed a test and was admitted to a pilot training school. After studying at the school, he went on to the Mito army aviation school, where in addition to receiving flight training and classroom lectures on meteorology and other subjects, he listened to sermons by a Buddhist monk. The monk lived in the neighborhood and visited the school every day to preach the teachings of militarism. 'Your honorable death in battle will help protect your family and Japan,' the monk said. Kitajima started to become more aware of the war, and his fear of death diminished. Courtesy of Reiji Kitajima A group photo taken when Kitajima was in the Mito army aviation school In March 1943, he graduated from the aviation school and was assigned to an Army Air Force unit in the south. While in the unit, he mainly flew a Hayabusa Type 1 Fighter and a Shoki Type 2 Single-Seat Fighter and experienced aerial dogfights in Manila, Java, New Guinea and other places. He always displayed a photograph of his father and mother in the cockpit. During combat in the air between Manila and Borneo, his plane experienced engine trouble and made an emergency landing on sea. He thought no one would come to save him, but he was eventually rescued by a ship and narrowly avoided death. Whenever news of a comrade's death reached his base, he always thought, 'That will be me someday.' For respite, he enjoyed Java chocolates, which he had never tasted in Japan, the sweet flavor distracting him from the war. Around the beginning of 1945, fewer than 20 Japanese fighter planes had to intercept twice as many enemy fighter planes at a higher frequency than ever before. Kitajima felt strongly that the war was deteriorating for Japan. Many of his fellow pilots who had headed back to Japan on resupply missions did not return, sparking concerns over a shortage of war supplies. Every time this happened, he would come close to losing all hope. However, he encouraged himself by thinking, 'We have to win.' End of war Courtesy of Reiji Kitajima Reiji Kitajima when he was in the army Kitajima learned that the war had ended when he was in Java. Tears fell from his eyes as he thought, 'I can return to Japan alive.' He spent six months as a captive in Singapore before returning home to his parents in Shizuoka Prefecture. His mother welcomed him with a hug. After the war, he worked at a machinery component manufacturer in Fujisawa until he reached the age of retirement. In addition to being involved in activities that contributed to the community, he helped to establish the Chiran Peace Museum in Kagoshima Prefecture since he had experiences in escorting fighter planes on the kamikaze special attack mission during the war. Kitajima now lives in a nursing home in Fujisawa. Even after 80 years, he still recalls being in the cockpit, pushing a button with his left hand to shoot and seeing an enemy fighter plane hit by the bullets falling slowly. During the war, he thought he did what he had to do. Now, however, he feels that killing is absolutely something that must not be done. 'I only survived the war by chance,' he said. 'I want our society based on the fundamental principle of not waging war.'

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