Latest news with #AseanWay
The Star
a day ago
- Politics
- The Star
China hails Cambodia-Thailand border peace efforts through Asean way
Malaysia's Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, center, Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Manet (left), and Thailand's acting Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai pose for photos after talks on a possible ceasefire between Thailand and Cambodia in Putrajaya, Malaysia, Monday, July 28, 2025. -- Mohd Rasfan/Pool Photo via AP KUALA LUMPUR (Bernama): China has welcomed the progress made by Cambodia and Thailand in advancing ceasefire arrangements, and reaffirmed Beijing's support for resolving disputes through the "Asean Way'. Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson in a statement said the ceasefire along the Cambodia-Thailand border proves that dialogue and consultation is the right way to resolve disputes. "China upholds a just and fair position, supports Cambodia and Thailand in enhancing communication and resolving differences, supports advancing political settlement through the Asean Way," according to the statement in response to the outcomes of the Extraordinary Meeting of the General Border Committee (GBC). The meeting, held in Kuala Lumpur on Aug 7, saw Cambodia and Thailand reaching consensus on the ceasefire monitoring mechanism and follow-up arrangements. It was co-chaired by Cambodia's Deputy Prime Minister and National Defence Minister General Tea Seiha, and Thailand's Acting Minister of Defence General Nattaphon Narkphanit. Also present during the meeting as observers were Malaysia's Home Minister Datuk Seri Saifuddin Nasution Ismail, Deputy Defence Minister Adly Zahari and Malaysia's Chief of Defence Force General Tan Sri Mohd Nizam Jaffar China, which was represented by its Ambassador to Malaysia, Ouyang Yujing, attended the meeting as observer, alongside US Ambassador to Malaysia Edgard D. Kagan. "Cambodia and Thailand held an extraordinary GBC meeting and reached an understanding on the implementation arrangements, monitoring mechanism and follow-up matters of the ceasefire, laying the foundation for realising an effective ceasefire and cementing lasting peace between the two sides. China welcomes this," the statement read. China also expressed readiness to continue playing a constructive role in promoting a peaceful resolution of the border dispute. - Bernama
The Star
26-07-2025
- Politics
- The Star
China calls for calm over border clash
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi (right) meets with Kao Kim Hourn, secretary-general of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, in Beijing on July 25, 2025. - Photo: Xinhua BEIJING: China called for calm and proper handling of the border conflict between Cambodia and Thailand and reaffirmed its willingness to continue to play a constructive role in promoting de-escalation. Foreign Minister Wang Yi made the remarks during talks with Association of Southeast Asian Nations Secretary-General Kao Kim Hourn in Beijing on Friday (July 25). The meeting took place amid the ongoing border clash between Cambodia and Thailand, causing heavy casualties. Both nations have accused each other of initiating the attack and violating international law. Malaysia, the current rotating chair of Asean, has launched mediation efforts. Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said in a social media post on Thursday that he had been in direct communication with his counterparts in Thailand and Cambodia, urging both sides to de-escalate tensions. He said both leaders had expressed their willingness to consider a ceasefire. Speaking about the clashes along the Cambodia-Thailand border, Wang expressed deep concern over the loss of lives, calling the conflict "distressing and worrying". Wang said the root causes of the dispute stem from unresolved legacies of Western colonialism. He urged all parties to remain calm and properly resolve differences. At a time of mounting global uncertainty and turbulence, the hard-won peace and stability in East Asia must be valued and protected, Wang said. He emphasised that Asean remains a top priority in China's neighborhood diplomacy and voiced strong support for the group's growing role in regional and international affairs. China appreciates and supports Malaysia's mediation efforts and encourages the continuation of dialogue and political settlement through the Asean Way, a framework that guides the bloc and its integration, Wang said. As a close neighbour to both Cambodia and Thailand, China is committed to maintaining a fair and impartial position and stands ready to play a constructive role in reducing tensions and facilitating reconciliation, he added. Kao thanked China for its efforts to encourage peace talks regarding the border conflict, affirming that the Asean chair is mediating in line with the spirit of the Asean Charter, the legal and institutional framework for the bloc. He expressed confidence that the leaders of the countries concerned possess the political wisdom to resolve the dispute. "The risk of large-scale escalation remains low and economic interdependence and shared regional interests serve as 'buffers' against further escalation," said Du Lan, deputy director of the Department for Asia-Pacific Studies at the China Institute of International Studies. As Cambodia and Thailand are both long-standing friends of China, Beijing does not wish to see the situation spiral, Du said, adding that China, together with Asean, will continue encouraging talks and promoting multilateral consultation platforms and crisis management mechanisms to play mediating roles. Regarding the South China Sea issue, Wang called for enhanced cooperation between China and Asean to fully and effectively implement the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, and to complete consultations on the Code of Conduct within the agreed timeline to jointly foster a narrative of peace, friendship, and cooperation. Wang also called on China and Asean to strengthen unity and cooperation in opposing unilateralism, defending free trade and the multilateral trading system, and preserving the authority and integrity of both the China-Asean Free Trade Area and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. - China Daily/ANN
Bangkok Post
08-07-2025
- Politics
- Bangkok Post
Myanmar's 'my way' vs Asean norms
It appeared to be a done deal. During their summit on May 26, Asean leaders agreed to admit Timor-Leste as the 11th member of the regional bloc. Since then, Nay Pyi Taw has raised an unexpected objection, with the junta issuing an official statement that could potentially embarrass Asean and its current chair, Malaysia. Myanmar threatened to derail Timor-Leste's accession if Dili continues to engage with the National Unity Government (NUG), which opposes the State Administration Council (SAC) regime in Myanmar. Timor-Leste is among a dozen countries, mainly in the West, that have allowed the NUG to establish representative offices, both formally and informally. This move shows Myanmar's preference for a unilateralist approach, let's call it "my way" policy, challenging the long-standing Asean Way, which has underpinned the bloc's consensus-based diplomacy for nearly six decades. At the upcoming three-day Asean Ministerial Meeting (AMM) in Kuala Lumpur beginning tomorrow, the looming question is how to reconcile these divergent demeanours within the bloc that prides itself on unity and non-interference. At the May summit, during the retreat, Singapore Prime Minister Lawrence Wong strongly supported Timor-Leste and proposed admitting the world's youngest democracy in October. Myanmar's representative, Permanent Secretary for Foreign Affairs Aung Kyaw Moe, who also attended the previous 44th and 45th summits, was mute. That silence was interpreted as consent, enabling Prime Minister Ibrahim Anwar to conclude that consensus had been reached. The chairman's statement of the 46th Asean Summit, in particular paragraphs 124-126, confirmed that ministers and senior officials were tasked with finalising the procedural steps for Timor-Leste's admission at the 47th Asean Summit, while expediting key economic negotiations. The leaders encouraged all partners to assist Dili in fulfilling the criteria outlined in the roadmap. The upcoming Asean summit is scheduled for Oct 24-26. But on June 14, a letter signed by Han Win Aung, Director General and alternate Asean Senior Officials Meeting (SOM) leader, urged Timor-Leste to "refrain from engaging with entities that are explicitly opposed or contrary to the positions of Asean member states". The letter warned that if Timor-Leste "persists in its blatant violation of the principle of non-interference", Asean should reject its membership and suspend all procedural steps until Dili "rectifies its approach". The tough stance demonstrates how the SAC's "my way" clashes with the Asean Way, which emphasises consensus, restraint, and mutual respect. Since the 2021 coup, Myanmar has half-heartedly cooperated with Asean's Five-Point Consensus, failing to fully implement the bloc's peace plan. Instead, Nay Pyi Taw is pursuing its own five-point roadmap, which shares some common goals, especially in the holding of elections. However, the SAC lacks credibility and inclusiveness to conduct "free and fair" polls that few believe in. If Myanmar wants to return to Asean's embrace after the election, it must adopt the Asean Way, both in principle and in practice. Obviously, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing is using the elections as an exit strategy, but Asean has leverage. The bloc's eventual recognition of the outcome will be crucial to lend any legitimacy. Without Asean endorsement, the polls could deepen Myanmar's isolation and further deepen its fragmentation. After the coup and the more recent earthquake, public services have deteriorated and alienated potential voters. Throughout the past four years, the regional bloc has insisted that humanitarian aid and peace must come first to create an atmosphere conducive to allowing Myanmar's people to take part in an inclusive election that is free and fair. The confrontation between the Asean Way and "my way" is not confined to Myanmar. The recent tensions between Thailand and Cambodia over boundary demarcation and the reopening of border checkpoints have added complexity to Malaysia's chairmanship. Both sides have invoked the principle of non-interference not to seek help from Asean's High Council, under the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation. Instead, Cambodia has resorted to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Phnom Penh's request to internationalise the bilateral issue could break a precedent if raised within the framework of the Asean annual meeting. Thailand has reiterated that the current dispute should best be settled through established bilateral mechanisms. This episode is reminiscent of 2006, when the Thaksin administration threatened to boycott the Asean Summit under the Laos chair if Malaysia brought up the Tak Bai incident. Fortunately, diplomacy prevailed. The incident shows how deeply ingrained the Asean Way is. Whenever members have deep disagreements, they avoid internationalising bilateral issues to preserve harmony within the bloc. Yet, much to the chagrin of Asean watchers, the bloc has also tolerated selective applications of the "my way" approach, especially in economic diplomacy amid the great geopolitical shifts. Most recently, as the bloc collectively responds to US tariff hikes and broader global trade disruptions, Asean leaders have allowed their colleagues to pursue individual negotiations, provided they align with the bloc's broader consensus. Vietnam's bilateral negotiations with the US over tariffs are a case in point, demonstrating whether national interest and Asean solidarity can coexist. Like the rest of Asean, Hanoi reaffirms its support for a predictable, transparent, free, fair, inclusive, sustainable, and rules-based multilateral trading system with the World Trade Organisation (WTO) at its core. Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and Cambodia are also taking similar routes. The Asean Way has long been criticised for relying on the "lowest common denominator" to reach consensus, but has allowed flexibility in practice. Member states quietly pursue their own paths without fracturing the bloc. This dual-track approach allows them to protect national interests without undermining regional unity. The challenge is ensuring that "my way" policies, like Myanmar's obstruction of Timor-Leste's entry, do not sabotage Asean's integrity. The clash between "my way" and the Asean Way may sound contradictory to some, absurd to others. It is not a zero-sum gambit. With the Asean Way, all members respect shared principles while carving out space for individual agency. Malaysia's chairmanship has an important task to steer this balance. At the upcoming post-ministerial conferences following the Asean annual conference, the Asean foreign ministers are scheduled to meet with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who has confirmed his attendance on Thursday and Friday, following the July 9 deadline of reciprocal tariffs. Asean wants to ensure Washington's long-term commitment to the region. Recently, several flagship US-Asean initiatives, including the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative, were axed. On a happier note, Asean's non-binding yet inclusive approach continues to win new converts. The 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), now has 59 signatories, including all major powers. Algeria and Uruguay will accede to the TAC at the Kuala Lumpur meeting. The Asean model is not perfect, but it is gaining global traction due to its voluntary cooperation, mutual respect, and incremental progress. For the Asean Way to stay relevant, it must be modernised to counter growing "my way" tendencies with assertive national interests. It must refine its consensus mechanism to accommodate diversity, preventing any single member from holding the entire bloc hostage. Myanmar's obstruction of Timor-Leste's membership is a litmus test. This week, the world will find out whether the Asean Way can be a driving force in managing internal dissent or torn apart by conflicting "my way" tactics. After all, it has endured for the past 58 years, and it will continue to live on. The challenge is to turn the apparent contradiction between the Asean Way and "my way" into a strength, not a liability.
New Straits Times
05-05-2025
- Politics
- New Straits Times
From Jungle Diplomacy to Geopolitical Jazz: Why Asean and the EU Are the twin anchors of a fragmenting world
Regionalism: The New Operating System of Global Stability If you really want to understand where the 21st century is heading, don't just look at Washington, Beijing, or Moscow. Look at the regions. Because in a world that's becoming more fragmented, more contested, and frankly more chaotic, regionalism - that is, countries choosing to work together, not out of ideology or conquest, but out of sheer necessity - is emerging as the new operating system of global stability. And if you're looking for the two most successful examples of this system in action, look no further than the European Union (EU) and Asean, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. They're both regional blocs. They both arose from turbulent pasts. But they couldn't be more different in how they were built, how they function, and how they endure. Europe's Supranational Cathedral The EU was built out of the ashes of two world wars. Europe's leaders, exhausted from centuries of bloodshed, finally asked: What if we tied our economies so tightly together that war would become unthinkable? So they did just that. They started with coal and steel. Then came customs unions, a single market, the euro, and even a European Parliament. Brussels today is more than a capital - it's a nerve centre of supranational power. The European Court of Justice can overrule national judges. The European Commission can slap billion-dollar fines on tech giants. This is regionalism with an operating manual - rules, laws, institutions, and yes, bureaucracy. It's deliberate. It's rules-based. It's integration with teeth. Asean From Jungle Diplomacy to the Asean Way Now, hop on a plane to Jakarta, and it's a different world entirely. ASEAN didn't come out of boardrooms and treaties. It came out of the jungle - literally. It was born in 1967 by five countries - Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines, and Singapore - all of them struggling with post-colonial nation-building, Cold War geopolitics and domestic insurgencies. The goal wasn't unity. It was survival. From that rough start, Asean stitched together a quiet but remarkably durable diplomatic fabric. Where the EU trades sovereignty for strength, Asean clings to sovereignty like a lifeline. There's no Asean Parliament. No regional court telling leaders what to do. Instead, you get what's known as "the Asean Way" - consensus over confrontation, non-interference over integration, diplomacy over directives. It's slow, sometimes maddeningly so, but it has its own rhythm. If the EU is a cathedral, Asean is a village marketplace - chaotic, diverse, but very much alive. Economic Milestones: From AFTA to AEC And yet, Asean has made real progress - particularly in economic cooperation. It started with the Asean Free Trade Area (AFTA) in 1992, which reduced tariffs and encouraged intra-Asean trade. That matured into the Asean Trade in Goods Agreement (ATIGA) in 2009, introducing more standardised trade rules and customs procedures. Parallel to that came the Asean Framework Agreement on Services (AFAS) in 1995, which chipped away at barriers in sectors like banking, education, and transport. The crown jewel, for now, is the Asean Economic Community (AEC), launched in 2015 - an ambitious blueprint to turn Southeast Asia into a single market and production base. It's not perfect. Enforcement is uneven, and gaps remain in the movement of skilled labor and investment rules. But it's more than symbolic - it's structure, it's ambition, and it signals forward momentum. Internal Cracks and Public Perception While both blocs show resilience, they also face internal fissures. In the EU, Brexit served as a sobering reminder that integration can be reversed. Populist movements across Europe, whether in Italy, France, or Hungary, are questioning the very legitimacy of Brussels. Meanwhile, calls for "strategic autonomy" are growing louder, as Europe debates whether it can continue relying on NATO and US protection. Asean's own cohesion is tested by internal disparities - from the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar to ongoing questions about Timor-Leste's accession. Citizens across the region often perceive Asean as distant, elitist and technocratic. Public awareness of Asean remains low, despite the lofty economic and diplomatic goals. The Great Power Squeeze: China, Russia, and U.S. Retrenchment The post-Cold War honeymoon is over. The world is entering what some call a new Cold Peace - a turbulent, multipolar age where American isolationism, China's gravitational pull in Asia, and Russia's strategic assertiveness in Europe's backyard are reshaping the global order. In Europe, the Ukraine war has jolted the EU into a more geopolitical stance. It's spending more on defense, talking about strategic autonomy, and confronting the uncomfortable truth that NATO alone might not be enough. But cracks are showing - Hungary vetoes aid packages to Kyiv, Germany hesitates on military commitments, and populist parties continue to gain traction. In Southeast Asia, the challenge is subtler but just as existential. China isn't invading - it's enveloping. Through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), trade dominance, and maritime assertiveness in the South China Sea, Beijing tests Asean's unity on a neardaily basis. Some members lean toward China. Others hedge with the US, Japan, or India. But without a coherent front, Asean risks becoming a bystander in its own backyard. Then there's America - the former guarantor of global order. Whether it's Trumpian nationalism or progressive disengagement, US foreign policy increasingly signals retrenchment. Both Asean and the EU now quietly ask: Who do we turn to when Washington turns away? Conclusion: Can the Cathedral and the Marketplace Survive the Storm? This is the real stress test of regionalism in the 21st century. Can Asean and the EU hold their ground in an age of great power rivalry? Can they evolve from mere talking shops or trade blocs into serious geopolitical actors? Or will they buckle under pressure - fragmenting into narrow nationalisms, caving to internal divisions, or simply becoming irrelevant as the world hardens into spheres of influence? The answer isn't written yet. But here's what we do know: both blocs were built in times of uncertainty. The EU turned war zones into wine routes. Asean turned jungle firefights into trade forums. Their success wasn't inevitable - it was earned. And if they can keep adapting, keep trusting the process, and most of all, keep talking to each other instead of yelling at each other, they just might emerge from this messy multipolar moment stronger, not weaker. Because in a world of weaponized trade, information warfare, and geopolitical poker, regions that can cooperate - however loosely - still offer the best hope for peace, prosperity, and yes, a little sanity. * The writer is an adjunct lecturer at Universiti Teknologi Petronas, international relations analyst and a senior consultant with Global Asia Consulting. The views in this OpEd piece are entirely his own.
The Star
29-04-2025
- Politics
- The Star
Malaysia leads AICHR in shaping future human rights plan
KUALA LUMPUR: The Asean Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) is in the final stages of drafting its Five-Year Work Plan (2026-2030), aimed at strengthening the protection and promotion of human rights across Southeast Asia amid evolving regional and global challenges. Chair of AICHR and Malaysia's Representative to AICHR, Edmund Bon Tai Soon ( pic ), said the new work plan, once finalised, would serve as a strategic framework guiding AICHR's activities over the next five years, in line with the Asean Community Vision 2045 and various strategic plans of action under the Asean framework. He said that the rapidly changing global landscape has made it imperative for the new work plan to address emerging non-traditional security threats such as artificial intelligence (AI), climate change, forced migration, statelessness, and refugee crises, all of which have significant human rights implications. "This work plan is very important because it will shape the direction and future of human rights in the region. "It forms part of the Asean architecture, and once adopted, it will be submitted to the Asean foreign ministers at the Asean Foreign Ministers' Meeting (AMM) this July in Kuala Lumpur," he told reporters here on Tuesday (April 29). Bon said the new plan would also focus on strengthening AICHR's institutional capacity and governance, enhancing cooperation with national bodies, and ensuring better policy implementation and monitoring, while respecting the 'Asean Way' of consensus and non-interference. He also stressed the importance of securing political will across Asean member states as well as mainstreaming human rights into Asean sectoral bodies to ensure the success and continuity of human rights initiatives beyond Malaysia's chairmanship. Meanwhile, the programme director for the Secretariat for the Working Group for an Asean Human Rights Mechanism, Maria Paula Villarin, in welcoming Malaysia's leadership, expressed optimism that the new work plan would include stronger measures for transparency, civil society engagement, and structured communication mechanisms. She highlighted that despite operating informally, the Working Group has been advocating for a credible human rights mechanism in Asean since 1996, working closely with various Asean bodies, including AICHR, the Asean Senior Officials' Meeting, and the Asean Ministerial Meeting. Villarin noted that one area that needed urgent improvement was the transparency of AICHR's proceedings, including making its reports public. She also called for the strengthening of AICHR's "communications mechanism", a process that enables individuals, groups, or organisations to submit reports on human rights violations for AICHR's consideration, which is an initiative that is still in discussion. Villarin said civil society organisations (CSOs), especially those without consultative status, must be included in regional dialogues to ensure that policies reflect ground realities. "AICHR can play a vital role as a bridge between grassroots CSOs and Asean policymakers. We acknowledge that decision-making at AICHR requires consensus, but creating more spaces for dialogue would strengthen the legitimacy of Asean's human rights initiatives,' she told Bernama. She expressed hope that Malaysia's proactive leadership would set a strong precedent for future AICHR chairs to continue building more open and inclusive mechanisms. "Malaysia's leadership is a good start. But the real test is whether future representatives will continue to push for greater participation, transparency, and protection of human rights. That is the hope embedded in this work plan,' she added. The final draft of the AICHR Five-Year Work Plan (2026-2030) is expected to be completed by May or June before being presented to Asean foreign ministers at the upcoming AMM in July. – Bernama
