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Small health businesses have something special: trust
Small health businesses have something special: trust

Axios

time14-03-2025

  • Health
  • Axios

Small health businesses have something special: trust

Many Americans are prioritizing their wellness, but who they trust with it is another matter entirely. Why it matters: Small health businesses — which the public generally sees as reliable — are experiencing growth at a time when federal health messages are all over the place. What they're saying:"Consumers have a high level of trust for small brands" in health because they often have mission-based origin stories and "business-for-good" ethos, says Sherry Frey, VP of total wellness at consumer intelligence firm NielsenIQ. Meanwhile, many Americans distrust public figures on health-related topics, according to a recent Axios-Ipsos poll. And they had more trust in friends and family than in government leaders — and journalists, for that matter — when it came to health issues, a 2024 survey shows. But Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has positioned himself as a champion of small businesses — particularly in the " crunchy mom" health space. Zoom in: Small food and drink businesses focused on health and sustainability are specifically seeing increased growth — according to NIQ data from September 2023 to September 2024 shared with Axios. The fine print: NIQ defines a small business as having less than $200 million in sales. What we're watching: AI has the potential to help small businesses grow, but at the moment, the upfront investment is too high for many companies.

Axios-Ipsos poll: COVID's enduring divides
Axios-Ipsos poll: COVID's enduring divides

Axios

time11-03-2025

  • Health
  • Axios

Axios-Ipsos poll: COVID's enduring divides

Five years after the COVID pandemic began, its legacy is as much political as epidemiological, according to a comprehensive new Axios-Ipsos poll, with Americans' views of what happened cleaved by partisanship and media preferences. The big picture: 39% say they know someone who died. Everybody wants to leave the era behind. Yet two-thirds of Americans don't believe the nation is adequately prepared to deal with another pandemic or widespread health crisis, according to the Axios-Ipsos American Health Index. Trust in public health institutions and leaders divided, declined and never fully recovered. Today, just 31% of Americans (67% of Republicans, 7% of Democrats, 22% of independents) say they trust President Trump for information about health topics. Trust in Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is equally low. Dr. Anthony Fauci, the prominent former director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases who became a political target during the pandemic, today is trusted by nearly three-fourths of Democrats and half of independents but only about 1 in 10 Republicans. Since the election, Republicans have driven some uptick of support for federal health agencies and public health measures. Why it matters: "We definitely see how the politicization of the COVID epidemic is still echoing through society," said Ipsos pollster and senior vice president Chris Jackson. The difference primarily is in the attitudes of Republicans, Jackson said of societal shifts reflected in the data. These patterns, he said, may seep over into emerging public health challenges, including a resurgence of measles. "You can see the seeds of the same phenomenon we saw in 2020 and 2021," Jackson said. "If these institutions get caught in the political crosshairs, their reputations suffer." By the numbers: Nearly two-thirds believe shutdowns in early 2020 were necessary to save lives. But 56% say they caused unnecessary damage to the economy. Now consider this: Just 24% of those who identified their primary source of media as a conservative outlet, including Fox News, said the shutdowns were necessary, compared with 81% whose primary source of media was broadcast TV news, and 88% whose primary source was national newspapers, CNN or MSNBC. 90% of those who gravitated to conservative media said the shutdowns caused unnecessary economic damage, while only 52% of broadcast watchers and 23% of those who turned to national newspapers, CNN or MSNBC agreed. Majorities of Americans still trust the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (62% overall, 42% Republicans, 86% Democrats) and the National Institutes of Health (57% overall, 40% Republicans, 77% Democrats) — and say the government should keep funding COVID monitoring and prevention measures. But more than half (53%) believe public health officials lied to the public about how effective vaccines and masks were at preventing the virus' spread, with Republicans far outnumbering Democrats and independents. Between the lines: 84% say they believe COVID has changed Americans' lives forever. Yet when it comes to their own experience, 7 in 10 said the virus had no lasting impact on their physical or mental health, work/life balance, professional success, ability to pay bills or their family's ability to thrive. About one-third said the pandemic experience made them rethink their politics and caused them to get more politically engaged. Women, people under 30 and self-described Democrats tended to fare worse in terms of mental health and their finances. State of play: A minority of Americans who tend to be older and Democratic-leaning stay current on boosters and track the spread not only of COVID but other infectious diseases. But for most people, the perception began to shift in the second half of 2022, about a year after the deadly Delta wave, as people began venturing out and returning to their pre-COVID routines. Concern about COVID fell about 20 percentage points over 2022 and vaccine uptake began to plummet early in 2023. By the spring of 2023, diners were again packing bars and restaurants, gym memberships were hot again and tours by Taylor Swift and Beyoncé were filling stadiums. Now, just 17% of adults report receiving a COVID booster in the last three months, and fewer members of the public see COVID as a threat than the risk of unsafe chemicals or additives in food. More than 4 in 10 believe the only people dying from the virus are already sick or unhealthy. But the COVID experience, and the politicization of science that characterized the past five years, still is influencing opinion. Trust in the government is down, and most Americans say it doesn't make the health and well-being of the public a priority. About a third of the population thinks getting a COVID booster poses a large or moderate risk to their well-being — about the same on the threat scale as air and water pollution. And we're divided on whether health care workers should be required to be vaccinated against COVID, with 47% supporting the idea and 42% opposed. Roughly the same number think the government should be focused on healthy foods, lifestyles and disease prevention (41%) as on research to develop drugs and treatments for disease (38%). But more than 7 in 10 oppose ending vaccine requirements for children to attend public schools. And 55% are against preventing the CDC from showing ads encouraging people to get certain vaccines. Methodology: This Axios/Ipsos Poll was conducted Feb. 28-March 3, 2025, by Ipsos' KnowledgePanel®. This poll is based on a nationally representative probability sample of 1,066 general population adults age 18 or older. The margin of sampling error is ±3.2 percentage points at the 95% confidence level, for results based on the entire sample of adults.

Opinion - Mass deportations are popular, but they have economic consequences
Opinion - Mass deportations are popular, but they have economic consequences

Yahoo

time31-01-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Opinion - Mass deportations are popular, but they have economic consequences

President Trump's win in the 2024 election is closely linked to voter unhappiness with the spike in U.S. inflation and the influx of immigrants across the southern border during the Biden administration. Trump's actions on the first day of his second term included a series of orders to seal the border and to crack down on undocumented immigrants in the U.S., as well as a bid to end the birthright citizenship for children of noncitizens. Trump's motive in making a broad crackdown on illegal immigration his top priority is that it is popular with the electorate. A recent Axios-Ipsos poll found that nine in 10 Republicans and nearly half of Democrats say they support mass deportations of unauthorized immigrants. However, the enthusiasm wanes considerably when respondents consider various options to carry out the deportations, such as separating families or deporting those who came to the U.S. as children. Congress is also willing to go along with Trump's wishes. On Jan. 7, the House of Representatives passed the Laken Riley Act, which makes it easier to deport unauthorized immigrants who commit crimes such as burglary, theft, larceny and shoplifting, as well as more violent offenses. On Inauguration Day, the Senate passed its version of the bill by a vote of 64 to 35, with 12 Democrats joining Republicans to vote in favor. This invites questions about what the economic consequences would be if there were a crackdown on undocumented immigrants. According to the Pew Research Center, about 11 million unauthorized migrants lived in the U.S. in 2022, of which 8.3 million were in the workforce. With a surge of migrants in the last two years, it is estimated there may now be 10 million unauthorized workers, representing 6 percent of the U.S. labor force. California, Florida, New York and Texas are home to nearly half of them. One claim by proponents of mass deportations is that they are a boon for American workers. Stephen Miller, Trump's deputy chief of staff, contends that mass removals would create jobs for Americans and increase their wages. This argument assumes that unauthorized immigrant workers compete with native-born workers for similar jobs. Several studies, however, conclude the opposite is true — namely, undocumented immigrants often take jobs that U.S. workers do not want. A noteworthy example is a survey the National Council of Agricultural Employers conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic to find out how many unemployed Americans would take about 100,000 seasonal farm jobs. It found that only 337 people applied. The conclusion was that labor shortages (and food shortages) were likely to persist without seasonal immigrants. A Brookings study documents the share of unauthorized immigrant workers and U.S.-born workers in the 15 most common occupations among unauthorized immigrants. The principal finding is that unauthorized immigrants take low-paying, dangerous and otherwise less attractive jobs more frequently than both native workers and authorized immigrant workers. The Economist points out that the impact of supply bottlenecks varies considerably by sector. Agriculture is especially vulnerable, with nearly 40 percent of America's 2.5 million farmworkers estimated to be unauthorized immigrants. Housing is also likely to be impacted, with unauthorized migrants accounting for about a sixth of the homebuilding workforce. The impact on the U.S. economy as a whole will depend on how extensive the deportations are. While Donald Trump has threatened to carry out the 'largest deportation program in American history' involving millions of migrants, the legal, logistical, financial and political obstacles make this outcome implausible. Meanwhile, Vice President JD Vance has suggested the administration could 'start with a million…and then go from there.' A study by the Peterson Institute for International Economics found that if deportations matched the 1.3 million during President Eisenhower's 'Operation Wetback' campaign in 1956, U.S. GDP in 2028 would be 1.2 percent below its baseline projection. Another claim about undocumented workers is they are free-riders who receive government-sponsored benefits but do not pay taxes. The government cost-cutting initiative led by Elon Musk said that illegal immigration cost U.S. taxpayers $150 billion in 2023, based on data from the Federation for American Immigration Reform. According to Steven Camarota of the Center for Immigration Studies, the main reason is that they have a low average education levels, resulting in low tax payments, and they often qualify for welfare programs on behalf of their children. This is not the case, however, for immigrants as a whole. A report by the Congressional Budget Office estimated that the 9 million surge in immigrants since the COVID-19 pandemic will add $1.2 trillion in federal revenues over the next 10 years, while outlays for federal mandatory programs will increase by $300 billion. One reason is that immigrants tend to be younger than native-born workers and do not derive benefits from Social Security and Medicare until they near retirement age. Finally, while the debate about immigration today is focused on undocumented immigrants, politicians on both sides should recognize that U.S. immigration laws have not been substantially updated for 34 years. With U.S. population growth slowing due to declining fertility rates, the principal source of U.S. labor market growth will be through legal immigration. Curbing immigration would likely translate into slower economic growth. Meanwhile, the outdated U.S. immigration laws are a key reason that many migrants to the U.S. arrive chaotically at the southern border. Nicholas Sargen, Ph.D., is an economic consultant for Fort Washington Investment Advisors and is affiliated with the University of Virginia's Darden School of Business. He has authored three books including 'Investing in the Trump Era: How Economic Policies Impact Financial Markets.' Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

Mass deportations are popular, but they have economic consequences
Mass deportations are popular, but they have economic consequences

The Hill

time31-01-2025

  • Politics
  • The Hill

Mass deportations are popular, but they have economic consequences

President Trump's win in the 2024 election is closely linked to voter unhappiness with the spike in U.S. inflation and the influx of immigrants across the southern border during the Biden administration. Trump's actions on the first day of his second term included a series of orders to seal the border and to crack down on undocumented immigrants in the U.S., as well as a bid to end the birthright citizenship for children of noncitizens. Trump's motive in making a broad crackdown on illegal immigration his top priority is that it is popular with the electorate. A recent Axios-Ipsos poll found that nine in 10 Republicans and nearly half of Democrats say they support mass deportations of unauthorized immigrants. However, the enthusiasm wanes considerably when respondents consider various options to carry out the deportations, such as separating families or deporting those who came to the U.S. as children. Congress is also willing to go along with Trump's wishes. On Jan. 7, the House of Representatives passed the Laken Riley Act, which makes it easier to deport unauthorized immigrants who commit crimes such as burglary, theft, larceny and shoplifting, as well as more violent offenses. On Inauguration Day, the Senate passed its version of the bill by a vote of 64 to 35, with 12 Democrats joining Republicans to vote in favor. This invites questions about what the economic consequences would be if there were a crackdown on undocumented immigrants. According to the Pew Research Center, about 11 million unauthorized migrants lived in the U.S. in 2022, of which 8.3 million were in the workforce. With a surge of migrants in the last two years, it is estimated there may now be 10 million unauthorized workers, representing 6 percent of the U.S. labor force. California, Florida, New York and Texas are home to nearly half of them. One claim by proponents of mass deportations is that they are a boon for American workers. Stephen Miller, Trump's deputy chief of staff, contends that mass removals would create jobs for Americans and increase their wages. This argument assumes that unauthorized immigrant workers compete with native-born workers for similar jobs. Several studies, however, conclude the opposite is true — namely, undocumented immigrants often take jobs that U.S. workers do not want. A noteworthy example is a survey the National Council of Agricultural Employers conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic to find out how many unemployed Americans would take about 100,000 seasonal farm jobs. It found that only 337 people applied. The conclusion was that labor shortages (and food shortages) were likely to persist without seasonal immigrants. A Brookings study documents the share of unauthorized immigrant workers and U.S.-born workers in the 15 most common occupations among unauthorized immigrants. The principal finding is that unauthorized immigrants take low-paying, dangerous and otherwise less attractive jobs more frequently than both native workers and authorized immigrant workers. The Economist points out that the impact of supply bottlenecks varies considerably by sector. Agriculture is especially vulnerable, with nearly 40 percent of America's 2.5 million farmworkers estimated to be unauthorized immigrants. Housing is also likely to be impacted, with unauthorized migrants accounting for about a sixth of the homebuilding workforce. The impact on the U.S. economy as a whole will depend on how extensive the deportations are. While Donald Trump has threatened to carry out the ' largest deportation program in American history ' involving millions of migrants, the legal, logistical, financial and political obstacles make this outcome implausible. Meanwhile, Vice President JD Vance has suggested the administration could 'start with a million…and then go from there.' A study by the Peterson Institute for International Economics found that if deportations matched the 1.3 million during President Eisenhower's 'Operation Wetback' campaign in 1956, U.S. GDP in 2028 would be 1.2 percent below its baseline projection. Another claim about undocumented workers is they are free-riders who receive government-sponsored benefits but do not pay taxes. The government cost-cutting initiative led by Elon Musk said that illegal immigration cost U.S. taxpayers $150 billion in 2023, based on data from the Federation for American Immigration Reform. According to Steven Camarota of the Center for Immigration Studies, the main reason is that they have a low average education levels, resulting in low tax payments, and they often qualify for welfare programs on behalf of their children. This is not the case, however, for immigrants as a whole. A report by the Congressional Budget Office estimated that the 9 million surge in immigrants since the COVID-19 pandemic will add $1.2 trillion in federal revenues over the next 10 years, while outlays for federal mandatory programs will increase by $300 billion. One reason is that immigrants tend to be younger than native-born workers and do not derive benefits from Social Security and Medicare until they near retirement age. Finally, while the debate about immigration today is focused on undocumented immigrants, politicians on both sides should recognize that U.S. immigration laws have not been substantially updated for 34 years. With U.S. population growth slowing due to declining fertility rates, the principal source of U.S. labor market growth will be through legal immigration. Curbing immigration would likely translate into slower economic growth. Meanwhile, the outdated U.S. immigration laws are a key reason that many migrants to the U.S. arrive chaotically at the southern border. Nicholas Sargen, Ph.D., is an economic consultant for Fort Washington Investment Advisors and is affiliated with the University of Virginia's Darden School of Business. He has authored three books including ' Investing in the Trump Era: How Economic Policies Impact Financial Markets.'

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