Latest news with #Baathists
Shafaq News
6 days ago
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Iraq's State of Law Coalition opposes replacing de-Baathification body
Shafaq News — Baghdad The State of Law Coalition, led by former Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, warned on Wednesday that dissolving the Accountability and Justice Commission could open the way for Saddam Hussein's daughter, Raghad, to return and run for office. Raghad has lived in Jordan under official protection since 2003, voicing criticism of Iraq's post-invasion political system and Iranian influence, and hinting at a future political role. The Baath Party she is promoting — which ruled Iraq from 1968 until it was toppled in 2003 — was banned under de-Baathification laws designed to dismantle its political and security apparatus. She has been wanted by Iraqi authorities since 2007 and was sentenced in absentia in 2024 to seven years in prison for promoting the outlawed party. Speaking to Shafaq News, Coalition member Hussein al-Maliki described the commission as a constitutional body responsible for identifying Baathists and preventing them from holding posts specified in the constitution. Abolishing it, he argued, would remove the mechanism for vetting candidates for parliament, ministries, and senior government positions. "Calls to disband the body — which has completed only 30% of its mandate — originate from Baathist circles seeking political rehabilitation," he warned. "With more than 25,000 Baathists still present in Iraq, their return to power could revive the party's bloody authoritarian path." Earlier in the day, the Islamic Dawa Party — also led by Nouri al-Maliki — reaffirmed its support for excluding Baathists from Iraq's political process. The Accountability and Justice Commission traces its origins to the US-run " De-Baathification Committee" established in 2003 and was restructured under a 2008 law. A political source told Shafaq News earlier this year that parties in the State Administration Coalition, which includes key Shiite, Sunni, and Kurdish parties and serves as the primary governing coalition in the country, had discussed replacing it with a judicial body to review candidate files.
Shafaq News
6 days ago
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Dawa Party: Reinstating Baathists a betrayal of martyrs
Shafaq News — Baghdad On Wednesday, the Islamic Dawa Party, led by Nouri al-Maliki reaffirmed its support for excluding members of the outlawed Baath Party from Iraq's political process. In a statement marking the anniversary of the 1991 'Safar Uprising' — a Shiite-led revolt in central and southern Iraq during Saddam Hussein's rule — the party voiced 'full backing' for the Accountability and Justice Commission's decision to bar Baathists from parliament and public office, calling it a safeguard against 'the dictatorship's ideology that dominated Iraq for decades.' The Baath Party, which ruled Iraq from 1968 until the 2003 US-led invasion, was banned under de-Ba'athification laws designed to dismantle the regime's political and security structures.
Arab News
11-03-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
How can Al-Sharaa prevent the overthrow of his regime?
It is rare to hear of a regime in our time that has triumphed and treated its followers and affiliates with nobility and tolerance, as we have seen with Ahmad Al-Sharaa in the Syrian Arab Republic. In Iraq, the Baathists dragged communists through the streets and, before them, the communists participated in the extermination of monarchists. The Americans pursued the remnants of Saddam Hussein's regime and dismissed half a million people associated with him. In Syria itself, Salah Jadid hanged nationalists, only to be overthrown by Hafez Assad, who then buried thousands of Hama's residents alive as collective punishment for a faction's rebellion. His son, Bashar, followed suit, digging mass graves and filling prisons. The UN archived tens of thousands of images smuggled out of the country by a forensic doctor, making it the largest documented case of murder and torture in history. Unfortunately, wars bring out deep-seated grudges and vendettas. However, to his credit, the new Syrian ruler's first message upon entering Damascus was one of reassurance to the Alawites before anyone else, along with other minorities and those who had worked with the regime, excluding those involved in murder and torture. We witnessed a swift acceptance of the new regime. The recent armed rebellion in the coastal region is not surprising; it was expected after the fall of a regime that had ruled for half a century. Transition requires wisdom, patience, inclusion and communication — it cannot be managed by force alone. To his credit, the new Syrian ruler's first message upon entering Damascus was one of reassurance to the Alawites Abdulrahman Al-Rashed Yet, there are forces that will not stop destabilizing the situation and fueling public distrust against the new regime — those who lost power, as well as regional regimes that suffered from Assad's downfall, such as Iran and its militias in Iraq and Lebanon. There are various factions — Sunni, Christian and Alawite — that supported Assad's regime and lost their privileges with his fall and they will work against Damascus today. The narrative of hostility toward the Alawites is specifically being pushed by remnants of the deposed regime to provoke nearly 2 million Alawites into siding with them. Even fleeing figures from Assad's regime, like Rami Makhlouf, are seeking reconciliation. This crisis tests the new regime's leadership. When it was merely an armed militia in Idlib, its responsibility for its fighters' actions was limited. Today, it is the state and it must not let its enemies drag it into the same trench as the fallen regime, becoming another sectarian and violent entity that resorts to force instead of politics. Most Arab states rushed to express solidarity with the Damascus government, sending a clear message to the Syrian people about where they stand. This political stance is crucial for the international community to hear. However, Damascus faces a difficult road ahead, with challenges that could last for years. Al-Sharaa cannot fight multiple wars simultaneously, such as confronting both Israel and Iran — no state has ever done so and succeeded. His government must therefore understand Israel's intentions, or at least its expectations, as seen in its support for the Druze against what it describes as oppression by Damascus. For half a century, Israel tolerated — even protected — the Assad regime, until Bashar granted Iran military privileges, prompting Israel to turn against him. Since taking office, Al-Sharaa has been aware of these geopolitical realities and has stated that he does not intend to enter conflicts with his neighbors, including Israel. The president's leadership is critical in restraining both his allies and opponents, preventing political, ideological and military clashes Abdulrahman Al-Rashed It is important to remember that all states bordering Israel have signed agreements or understandings with it. Al-Sharaa will be forced to either reach an understanding with Israel or Iran — facing both adversaries at once is impossible. Domestically, we recognize the conflicting pressures facing President Al-Sharaa. Syrians who suffered under the previous regime demand exclusion and sectarian revenge. Others seek full federalization, a demand difficult to achieve during wartime, as it risks leading to separatism. Here, the president's leadership is critical in restraining both his allies and opponents, preventing political, ideological and military clashes. In the end, Al-Sharaa's regime will succeed in resisting attempts to overthrow it and in unifying Syria while confronting the rebels. But can he shorten the timescale and reduce the losses?
Asharq Al-Awsat
11-03-2025
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
How Can al-Sharaa Prevent the Overthrow of his Regime?
It is rare to hear of a regime in our time that has triumphed and treated its followers and affiliates with nobility and tolerance, as we have seen with Ahmad al-Sharaa in Syria. In Iraq, the Baathists dragged communists through the streets, and before them, the communists participated in the extermination of monarchists. The Americans pursued the remnants of Saddam and dismissed half a million people associated with him. In Syria itself, Salah Jadid hanged nationalists, only to be overthrown by Hafez al-Assad, who then buried thousands of Hama's residents alive as collective punishment for a faction's rebellion. His son, Bashar, followed suit, digging mass graves and filling prisons. The United Nations archived tens of thousands of images smuggled by a forensic doctor, making it the largest documented case of murder and torture in history. Unfortunately, wars bring out deep-seated grudges and vendettas. However, to his credit, the new Syrian ruler's first message upon entering Damascus was to reassure the Alawites before anyone else, along with other minorities and those who had worked with the regime, excluding those involved in murder and torture. We witnessed a swift acceptance of the new regime. The armed rebellion in the coastal region is not surprising; it was expected after the fall of a regime that ruled for half a century. Transition requires wisdom, patience, inclusion, and communication – it cannot be managed by force alone. Yet, there are forces that will not stop destabilizing the situation and fueling public distrust against the new regime – those who lost power, as well as regional regimes that suffered from Assad's downfall, such as Iran and its militias in Iraq and Hezbollah. There are various factions – Sunni, Christian, and Alawite – that supported Assad's regime and lost their privileges with his fall, and they will work against Damascus today. The narrative of hostility toward the Alawites is specifically being pushed by remnants of the deposed regime to provoke nearly two million Alawites into siding with them. Even fleeing figures from Assad's regime, like Rami Makhlouf, are seeking reconciliation. This crisis tests the new regime's leadership. When it was merely an armed militia in Idlib, its responsibility for its fighters' actions was limited. Today, it is the state, and it must not let its enemies drag it into the same trench as the fallen regime, becoming another sectarian and violent entity that resorts to force instead of politics. Most Arab states rushed to express solidarity with the Damascus government, sending a clear message to the Syrian people about where they stand. This political stance is crucial for the international community to hear. However, Damascus faces a difficult road ahead, with challenges that could last for years. Al-Sharaa cannot fight multiple wars simultaneously, such as confronting both Israel and Iran – no state has ever done so and succeeded. His government must therefore understand Israel's intentions, or at least its expectations, as seen in its support for the Druze against what it describes as oppression by Damascus. For half a century, Israel tolerated – even protected – the Assad regime until Bashar granted Iran military privileges, prompting Israel to turn against him. Since taking office, al-Sharaa has been aware of these geopolitical realities and has stated that he does not intend to enter conflicts with his neighbors, including Israel. It is important to remember that all neighboring states bordering Israel have signed agreements or understandings with it. Al-Sharaa will be forced to either reach an understanding with Israel or Iran – facing both adversaries at once is impossible. Domestically, we recognize the conflicting pressures facing President al-Sharaa. Syrians who suffered under the previous regime demand exclusion and sectarian revenge. Others seek full federalization, a demand difficult to achieve during wartime, as it risks leading to separatism. Here, the president's leadership is critical in restraining both his allies and opponents, preventing political, ideological, and military clashes. In the end, al-Sharaa's regime will succeed in resisting attempts to overthrow it and in unifying Syria while confronting the rebels. But can he shorten the time and reduce the losses?
Al Arabiya
10-03-2025
- Politics
- Al Arabiya
How can al-Sharaa prevent the overthrow of his regime?
It is rare to hear of a regime in our time that has triumphed and treated its followers and affiliates with nobility and tolerance, as we have seen with Ahmad al-Sharaa in Syria. In Iraq, the Baathists dragged communists through the streets, and before them, the communists participated in the extermination of monarchists. The Americans pursued the remnants of Saddam and dismissed half a million people associated with him. In Syria itself, Salah Jadid hanged nationalists, only to be overthrown by Hafez al-Assad, who then buried thousands of Hama's residents alive as collective punishment for a faction's rebellion. His son, Bashar, followed suit, digging mass graves and filling prisons. The United Nations archived tens of thousands of images smuggled by a forensic doctor, making it the largest documented case of murder and torture in history. Unfortunately, wars bring out deep-seated grudges and vendettas. However, to his credit, the new Syrian ruler's first message upon entering Damascus was to reassure the Alawites before anyone else, along with other minorities and those who had worked with the regime, excluding those involved in murder and torture. We witnessed a swift acceptance of the new regime. The armed rebellion in the coastal region is not surprising; it was expected after the fall of a regime that ruled for half a century. Transition requires wisdom, patience, inclusion, and communication – it cannot be managed by force alone. Yet, there are forces that will not stop destabilizing the situation and fueling public distrust against the new regime – those who lost power, as well as regional regimes that suffered from Assad's downfall, such as Iran and its militias in Iraq and Hezbollah. There are various factions – Sunni, Christian, and Alawite – that supported Assad's regime and lost their privileges with his fall, and they will work against Damascus today. The narrative of hostility toward the Alawites is specifically being pushed by remnants of the deposed regime to provoke nearly two million Alawites into siding with them. Even fleeing figures from Assad's regime, like Rami Makhlouf, are seeking reconciliation. This crisis tests the new regime's leadership. When it was merely an armed militia in Idlib, its responsibility for its fighters' actions was limited. Today, it is the state, and it must not let its enemies drag it into the same trench as the fallen regime, becoming another sectarian and violent entity that resorts to force instead of politics. Most Arab states rushed to express solidarity with the Damascus government, sending a clear message to the Syrian people about where they stand. This political stance is crucial for the international community to hear. However, Damascus faces a difficult road ahead, with challenges that could last for years. Al-Sharaa cannot fight multiple wars simultaneously, such as confronting both Israel and Iran – no state has ever done so and succeeded. His government must therefore understand Israel's intentions, or at least its expectations, as seen in its support for the Druze against what it describes as oppression by Damascus. For half a century, Israel tolerated – even protected – the Assad regime until Bashar granted Iran military privileges, prompting Israel to turn against him. Since taking office, al-Sharaa has been aware of these geopolitical realities and has stated that he does not intend to enter conflicts with his neighbors, including Israel. It is important to remember that all neighboring states bordering Israel have signed agreements or understandings with it. Al-Sharaa will be forced to either reach an understanding with Israel or Iran – facing both adversaries at once is impossible. Domestically, we recognize the conflicting pressures facing President al-Sharaa. Syrians who suffered under the previous regime demand exclusion and sectarian revenge. Others seek full federalization, a demand difficult to achieve during wartime, as it risks leading to separatism. Here, the president's leadership is critical in restraining both his allies and opponents, preventing political, ideological, and military clashes. In the end, al-Sharaa's regime will succeed in resisting attempts to overthrow it and in unifying Syria while confronting the rebels. But can he shorten the time and reduce the losses?
