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News18
04-08-2025
- Politics
- News18
Who Are Assam's Indigenous Muslims And How Are They Different From Miya Muslims?
Last Updated: While indigenous Assamese Muslims and Miya Muslims share a religion, their histories, languages, settlement patterns, and political affiliations are sharply different Assam's Muslim population, now estimated at over 1.18 crore, accounts for nearly 34 per cent of the state's total population. Yet, they are far from a singular group. Broadly, Assam's Muslims fall into two categories — the indigenous Assamese Muslims, who have lived in the region for centuries and are culturally part of the Assamese-speaking mainstream, and the Miya Muslims, who trace their roots to Bengali-speaking migrants who settled in the state during and after colonial rule. While the two communities share a religion, their histories, languages, settlement patterns, and political affiliations are sharply different. Over the last few years, the Assam government has taken formal steps to underline this difference and, in the process, stoked fresh controversy around who is indigenous, who is not, and what that means in one of India's most politically sensitive states. Who Are The Indigenous Muslims? The indigenous Muslims of Assam are groups that trace their presence in the region to well before British colonisation, some as far back as the 13th-century Ahom kingdom. In July 2022, the Assam Cabinet, based on recommendations from a government-appointed subcommittee, formally recognised five such sub-groups: Goria, Moria, Deshi, Syed, and Julha. Each of these groups has a distinct origin. The Goria and Moria are believed to include war captives, local converts, and artisans integrated into Assamese society during the Ahom era. The Deshi community traces its ancestry to Ali Mech, a tribal chieftain who converted to Islam during Bakhtiyar Khilji's 1205 invasion. The Syeds are descendants of Sufi saints, most notably Azaan Pir, who settled in Assam in the 15th and 17th centuries. The Julhas were weavers brought from regions like Bihar, Odisha, and Bengal during both the Ahom and British periods. Despite these varied lineages, what unites these communities is their language, Assamese or dialects like Goalpariya, and their cultural assimilation. Most follow local customs, observe Assamese festivals, and consider themselves part of the larger Assamese-speaking population, alongside Hindus. The subcommittee estimated that these five groups account for around 42 lakh of Assam's Muslim population. But politically, they have limited influence. Their dispersed settlement means they do not form a majority in any single constituency, restricting their ability to assert themselves as an electoral bloc. Who Are The Miya Muslims? The Miya Muslims, by contrast, are Bengali-speaking Muslims whose ancestors migrated from East Bengal, now Bangladesh, in successive waves. The earliest of these migrations was encouraged by the British, who brought settlers to cultivate the fertile riverine islands of the Brahmaputra, known locally as char-chaporis. These were followed by post-Partition migration in 1947, and again during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. Today, the Miya Muslims are spread across Lower and Central Assam, forming the majority in over 30 of the state's 126 Assembly constituencies. Though the term 'Miya" originally meant 'gentleman," it has taken on a derogatory connotation in recent decades, often used to imply foreignness. While many in the community have tried to identify as Assamese Muslims or Bengali-origin Assamese, the label persists, both as a marker of community pride and of political othering. The Miya community is often associated with the char-chaporis, where they've built agrarian livelihoods under precarious conditions. Despite contributing to Assam's economy, they are frequently stereotyped, particularly during debates around illegal migration and citizenship. Many began listing Assamese as their mother tongue as early as the 1951 Census, in an attempt to integrate. Yet, suspicions persist, particularly over land rights, linguistic identity, and political alignment. A Rising Political Demographic In the most recent development, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma warned that the Muslim population in the state could soon rival that of Hindus if current growth rates continue. Citing Census data, he claimed that while Muslims made up 34 per cent of Assam's population in 2011, only three per cent of them were indigenous Muslims. The remaining 31 per cent, he said, were of migrant origin. Sarma projected that if the current demographic trend holds, Assam could reach a 50:50 population split between Hindus and Muslims by 2041. 'This is not my take, it is just the Census result," he told reporters in Dibrugarh, adding that the data pointed to a clear demographic shift. As per the 2011 Census, Assam's Muslim population stood at 34.22 per cent (1.07 crore), while Hindus made up 61.47 per cent (1.92 crore) of the state's 3.12 crore population. The BJP has repeatedly pointed to rising Muslim-majority districts as evidence of shifting demographics. The number of Muslim-majority districts rose from six in 2001 to nine in 2011. Some leaders claim the number has now risen to at least 11, though the 2021 Census data is yet to be released. How The State Is Drawing The Line The Assam government's recognition of indigenous Muslims came after years of internal demand. A subcommittee on their cultural identity recommended exclusive development schemes, identity certification, a separate census, and even reservation in jobs and education. According to CM Sarma, these measures are necessary to preserve the distinctiveness of Assamese Muslims, a group he says has been clubbed unfairly with migrant-origin Muslims. Indigenous Muslim organisations like the All Assam Goriya-Moriya Deshi Parishad have welcomed the move, citing a long struggle to protect their cultural identity. But critics argue that the policy serves political ends. Parties like the AIUDF, which draws much of its support from Miya-dominated areas, accuse the BJP of weaponising identity to divide the Muslim population. Groups representing Barak Valley's Kachari Muslims and Manipuri Pangals have also criticised their exclusion from the 'indigenous" label, despite claiming centuries of residence in Assam. The Char-Chaporis And The Struggle For Belonging The heart of the Miya community's settlement lies in the Brahmaputra's char-chaporis, islands that are constantly reshaped by the river's shifting course. Life here is precarious and often disconnected from the state's infrastructure and services. Yet, over decades, the Miya Muslims have built thriving agricultural communities through sheer resilience and labour. Despite this, they continue to be viewed by many, including sections of indigenous Muslims, as outsiders. Even their attempts to assimilate, through language adoption or cultural participation, have often been met with scepticism. A Fragmented Political Landscape top videos View all The political influence of the two communities is also uneven. Indigenous Muslims, though officially recognised and long-settled, are spread out and seldom vote as a bloc. They have supported the Congress, Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), and sometimes the BJP, but without concentrated leverage. In contrast, Miya Muslims have been a decisive voting group, often backing the AIUDF. In the 2021 Assembly elections, the party won 15 seats, mostly from Muslim-majority constituencies in Lower Assam. About the Author News Desk The News Desk is a team of passionate editors and writers who break and analyse the most important events unfolding in India and abroad. From live updates to exclusive reports to in-depth explainers, the Desk More Get Latest Updates on Movies, Breaking News On India, World, Live Cricket Scores, And Stock Market Updates. Also Download the News18 App to stay updated! tags : Assam Muslims view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: August 04, 2025, 15:06 IST News explainers Who Are Assam's Indigenous Muslims And How Are They Different From Miya Muslims? Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. 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New Indian Express
17-06-2025
- Politics
- New Indian Express
VP Jagdeep Dhankhar urges States to embrace NEP 2020 at event in Pondicherry University; calls for reforms in the education sector
In a deeply evocative address, the Vice President said that 'Sanatan pride' is rebuilding. "What was lost during the Islamic invasion and British Colonial rule is being rebuilt with stronger determination," he said. He traced India's historical legacy of learning, referencing ancient centers like Takshashila, Nalanda, Mithila, and Vallabhi. He recalled the destruction of Nalanda's famed nine-storey library by the invasion by Bakhtiyar Khilji, around 1190, lamenting the loss of over nine million manuscripts. 'It was not just books that burned -- India's civilizational soul was attacked,' he said. However, he asserted, 'The soul of Bharat is indestructible. What was lost is being rebuilt with stronger determination.' He urged universities to emulate India's ancient tradition of holistic learning and focus on fostering critical thinking, innovation, and skill development. Stressing the need for character-building in students, he said, 'Knowledge without character is incomplete. Education should not be commodified—it must remain a service, not a profit-making venture.' Raising concern over the increasing commercialisation of education, Dhankhar called on corporate leaders to reorient their Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) efforts towards building world-class educational institutions. 'Education and health were once the means by which the affluent gave back to society. We must return to that ethos,' he remarked. He also encouraged Pondicherry University to launch an alumni endowment fund, citing examples from global universities whose endowment funds run into billions Calling for a reduction in political polarisation, the Vice President urged the political class to adopt a spirit of dialogue and collaboration. 'We have become too quick to differ instead of making a 'difference'. Disruption and disturbance are not what the framers of our Constitution envisioned. We must embrace debate—Vaad-Vivaad—and uphold the spirit of Anantavad,' he stated. Drawing a parallel with the crisis of climate change, he said, 'Why should we melt the glaciers of our patience with heated political rhetoric? India is rising. The world is looking to us. Let us not undermine our moment with narrow politics.' Puducherry Lt Governor K Kailashnathan, Chief Minister N Rangasamy were among those who also spoke. Speaker R Selvam, Home Minister A Namassivayam also participated in the event.
