Latest news with #Compact


Boston Globe
8 hours ago
- General
- Boston Globe
Alasdair MacIntyre, philosopher who saw a ‘new dark ages,' dies at 96
Advertisement MacIntyre belonged to a different moral universe. In his best-known book, 'After Virtue' (1981), he argued that thousands of years ago, the earliest Western philosophers and the Homeric myths generated 'the tradition of the virtues,' which was treated as objective truth. Value neutrality, to Mr. MacIntyre, was the goal of 'barbarians' and a sign of 'the new dark ages which are already upon us.' Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up Such language might make Mr. MacIntyre seem like a wistful reactionary. In fact, his worldview was far less predictable. He never entirely disavowed his youthful Marxism, applauding Karl Marx's critique of the individualistic and acquisitive spirit of capitalism. He maintained a certain sort of modesty from his days as a self-appointed champion of the working class — he never earned a doctorate and disliked being called 'professor' — and he continued showing the dialectical passion of a Trotskyist, occasionally launching into what one colleague called 'MacIntyrades.' Advertisement His chief opponent was what he called 'modern liberal individualism,' a category in which he included not just supporters of the Democratic Party but also conventional conservatives, leftists, and even anarchists. All were guilty of 'emotivism': the belief that humanity was essentially a collection of autonomous individuals who selected their own principles based on inner thoughts or feelings. This starting point, Mr. MacIntyre argued, could lead only to eternal, unresolvable disagreement. He went so far as to suggest that every tradition of modern politics had come to 'exhaustion,' and he rejected many essential tools of modern moral philosophy: Thomas Hobbes' social contract, John Locke's natural rights, Jeremy Bentham's moral consequences, and Isaiah Berlin's pluralism. Instead, he valued storytelling, tradition, and rational debate, embedded within a shared moral community. He found these qualities in the thinking of Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas, who promoted 'a cosmic order which dictates the place of each virtue in a total harmonious scheme of human life,' he wrote in 'After Virtue.' Within such an order, moral truth was objective. 'After Virtue' gained extraordinary popularity for a work of late-20th-century moral theory, selling more than 100,000 copies, Compact magazine wrote in a piece published after Mr. MacIntyre's death, titled 'Postliberalism's Reluctant Godfather.' That was an apt label for someone who managed, in recent years, to earn multiple tributes from Jacobin, a journal on the socialist left, and First Things, which is on the religious right. Mr. MacIntyre seemed to grow increasingly uncomfortable with his influence as it came unavoidably into focus. Advertisement In 'After Virtue,' he wrote that morality arose out of a belief in human telos — the ancient Greek notion of purpose being intrinsic to existence. People of the modern world, he said, had two choices: Follow Friedrich Nietzsche in trying to honestly face a world without the traditional notion of a human telos, rendering moral thought baseless, or follow Aristotle and recover moral purpose by fostering a society dedicated to the cultivation of virtue. Mr. MacIntyre illustrated what that might look like with an analysis of what he called 'practices' — shared, skillful activities including chess, architecture, and musicianship — as examples of where virtue still had meaning. These pursuits, he said, intrinsically provide 'standards of excellence' and reward traits such as justice, courage, and honesty. In them, he saw a possible modern basis for virtue. 'After Virtue' was acclaimed by leading philosophers, including Bernard Williams, who in a 1981 review for The Sunday Times of London wrote that even Mr. MacIntyre's exaggerations were 'illuminating'; that his intellectual history of the moral self was a 'nostalgic fantasy' and yet also 'brilliant'; and that, whatever questions the book raised, 'the feeling is sustained that one's question would get an interesting answer.' In a subsequent book, 'Whose Justice? Which Rationality?' (1988), Mr. MacIntyre provoked sharper criticism. His argument now promoted Roman Catholicism with Aquinas, not Aristotle, as its paragon of moral thought. Philosopher Martha Nussbaum wrote a memorable takedown in The New York Review of Books accusing Mr. MacIntyre of dropping some of his own principles — such as his devotion to local traditions — when discussing Aristotle, Augustine, and the pope. What really interested Mr. MacIntyre, she argued, was not reason but authority: the ability of the Catholic Church to secure wide agreement, and, by extension, order. Advertisement She was one of several distinguished thinkers to challenge Mr. MacIntyre's idealized view of the past, arguing that historical societies were not as unified as he claimed and that unanimity itself was not so great. In a review of 'Whose Justice? Which Rationality?' published in The Times Literary Supplement, Thomas Nagel wrote, 'MacIntyre professes to be freeing us from blindness, but he is really asking for the return of a blindness to the difficulty of moral thought that it has been one of the great achievements of ethical theory to escape.' Alasdair Chalmers MacIntyre was born on Jan. 12, 1929, in Glasgow, Scotland. His parents, John and Emily (Chalmers) MacIntyre, were both doctors. In the 1930s the family moved to London, where his parents treated patients in the working-class East End neighborhood. In 1949, he earned a bachelor's degree in classics from Queen Mary College at the University of London. In the 1950s and '60s, he earned master's degrees in philosophy from Manchester University and Oxford while holding several lectureships. As a student, he joined the Communist Party, but he also steered debates of Britain's Student Christian Movement as its chair. In about 1970 he moved to the United States, where he taught at Brandeis University and gradually left Marx for Aristotle. In the 1980s, he converted to Catholicism and took to seeing Aquinas as the master thinker of the Aristotelian tradition. He had a series of academic appointments but mostly taught at Notre Dame, where his wife, Lynn Joy, is also a philosophy professor. Advertisement His two previous marriages ended in divorce. In addition to Joy, his survivors include several children. He and Joy lived in Mishawaka, Ind., a city near Notre Dame. For decades, no single tendency seemed to define readers who took inspiration from Mr. MacIntyre's work. There were heterodox Marxists, the skeptic of liberalism Christopher Lasch, and former Republican presidential candidate Rick Santorum. But more recently, one constituency claimed Mr. MacIntyre's work most completely and prominently: the Trump-supporting, religious, anti-consumerist, and illiberal right. Two leading commentators of this world, Patrick Deneen and Rod Dreher, have written books that pay tribute to Mr. MacIntyre. In 2017, the publication of one of these books, Dreher's 'The Benedict Option,' prompted an odd debate between Dreher and Mr. MacIntyre, with each man accusing the other of commenting on a book of his that he had not actually read. During a lecture at Notre Dame, Mr. MacIntyre deplored becoming part of an ideological battle of his own time. 'The moment you think of yourself as a liberal or a conservative,' he said, 'you're done for.' This article originally appeared in


New York Times
15 hours ago
- General
- New York Times
Trump's ‘Nihilistic' Crusade Against Harvard Is About Much More Than Harvard
Gregory Conti, a political scientist at Princeton, is not a left-wing academic. He is a senior fellow at the conservative Manhattan Institute and the editor-at-large of Compact, a heterodox online magazine that leans to the right. In the case of Trump v. Harvard, Conti believes that the university, 'is close to being an appendage of the Democratic Party.' Harvard and units within it, Conti wrote in Compact, have issued numerous public statements during the Great Awokening that aligned the organization with left-wing causes (a practice which Harvard has since ended). Self-censorship is generally prevalent on campuses across the nation, but is much higher among conservatives, who rightly sense that the university is largely hostile to their views. Despite Conti's indisputably conservative credentials, he has come to believe that the Trump administration's approach to higher education — and toward Harvard in particular — not only violates due process but threatens to destroy the reputation of the United States as an international center of learning. 'It now looks like the administration has decided,' Conti wrote in a more recent essay in Compact, 'A Dangerous Turn in Trump's War on Universities,' 'that it will simply bludgeon Harvard, inflicting a lot of senseless damage until the latter makes a 'deal' of some sort.' As a consequence, Conti continued, 'it is now within the realm of possibility that a fate I never thought I would see may come about: an end to American pre-eminence in science and scholarship. Such a result would be a tragedy not only for scholars, but for all patriotic Americans.' In an email, Conti described the revocation of Harvard's certification to participate in the Student and Visitor Exchange Visitor program as a 'capricious and illiberal action, which one might fairly say borders on the nihilistic.' I asked Conti whether the administration wants to bankrupt Harvard and other Ivy League schools as a demonstration of conservative muscle. Want all of The Times? Subscribe.


Irish Independent
06-05-2025
- Business
- Irish Independent
Changes to Rent Pressure Zones needed to cope with growing population, Cabinet to be told
The report by the National Economic and Social Council (NESC) – the body that advises the Taoiseach on policy and strategy – outlines proposals to ensure future population growth is spread across Ireland's five largest cities. Among its recommendations are that 'more flexible rent controls' are needed to increase housing supply. This report is separate to an 'options paper' on RPZs which has been presented to Housing Minister James Browne. That review outlines a number of options including allowing landlords to increase rents by more than the 2pc cap that is currently in place. The NESC report on 'Deepening Compact Growth in Ireland' will further feed into the Government's thinking on what to do when RPZs expire at the end of this year. RPZs were introduced in 2016 to try to calm soaring rents and have been extended ever since. They will need to stay in place for at least another two years while an alternative system of rent controls is formulated, Housing Commission chairman John O'Connor has said. The NESC report details how to ensure that at least half of the population growth between now and 2040 takes place within five cities and their suburbs. The Land Development Agency will have an important role in making this happen over the next 15 years. At least 50pc of that growth should be in Dublin and the other half in four other cities: Galway, Cork, Limerick and Waterford, the report said. Between 2016 to 2022, the share of population growth represented by the five cities was just 32pc. The National Planning Framework target of having 40pc of new housing developments within existing, built-up areas is now being achieved, but the NESC said even more could be done. The report, to be presented to the Cabinet by Taoiseach Micheál Martin, outlines the benefits of 'compact growth', including 'higher productivity and innovation, more sustainable travel, improved access to services and lower energy consumption'. The report welcomes commitments in the Programme for Government relevant to compact growth, including the creation of a new strategic fund to invest in infrastructure, the enactment of a new Compulsory Purchase Order Bill and ensuring every local authority has an expanded vacant property team in place. Other recommendations include: going further than the current target of having 40pc for new housing developments within existing built-up areas; increasing investment in cost-rental homes; developing a brownfield activation strategy; and encouraging 'densification of existing areas' including more use of corner sites, gardens and mews development. It also recommends an increase in public investment to unlock land suited for desirable compact growth. The NESC recommends the Government should, where possible, continue to seek reductions in the construction costs of apartments as well as houses and a 'more three-dimensional approach for planning in areas subject to the prospects of significant regeneration and change', to help people understand what is involved in new development and thereby facilitate deeper engagement. Meanwhile, the Cabinet will also discuss its latest economic and fiscal projections. Finance Minister Paschal Donohoe will get approval for the first Annual Progress Report, which will be presented to the European Commission. The report outlines how Ireland will comply with EU budget and debt rules, and replaces what used to be the Stability Programme Update. The EU is allowing opt-outs from the fiscal rules to allow states to spend more on defence. But Ireland is not expected to be among the countries that will seek such an exemption. Justice Minister Jim O'Callaghan is also expected to seek approval to extend the laws allowing outdoor seating for licensed premises for another six months until the end of November 2025. The Civil Law (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2021 was introduced as a temporary, Covid-related provision to facilitate safer outdoor socialising. The relevant provisions of the act can be extended for up to six months at a time by resolution of each House of the Oireachtas. The extension is requested to give clarity to licensed premises, local authorities and gardaí.


Zawya
30-04-2025
- Business
- Zawya
Regional Private Equity, Securities, and Pensions Industry Leaders sign compact to mobilize domestic capital
Accra, Lagos – The Ghana Venture Capital & Private Equity Association (GVCA), one of Africa's foremost VC industry associations, has demonstrated its commitment to fostering domestic and regional capital mobilization to enhance economic growth and protect the continent against external shocks. The association's approach, consistent with national and regional policies to encourage Africans to invest in Africa, was projected at its recently held GVCA Conference in Accra. The decisive demonstration of momentum for domestic capital mobilization and inclusive investing saw key players from Africa's private equity and pensions industries come together to launch an industry-wide 'Compact' championing local institutional asset allocations to venture capital and private equity. The inaugural set of signatories, including gender lens investing and regulatory leaders at the conference, featured advisors, fund managers, and Funds of Funds such as Deloitte, EY, KPMG, Aruwa Capital, Oasis Capital, Savannah Impact Advisory, and the Venture Capital Trust Fund, as well as influential allocators, ecosystem builders, and regulators like the Securities and Exchange Commission, National Pensions Regulatory Authority, Impact Investing Ghana, and the Ashesi University Endowment Fund. This demonstrates much-needed regulatory support for public and private sector efforts to strengthen local investment in key economic sectors. Speaking at the conference, Amma Gyampo, CEO of GVCA, stated, 'Africa's pension and insurance sectors are sitting on the opportunity of a generation, and as stakeholders, we are here to lead the ecosystem into action. Diversification into high-growth, well-managed local private equity funds is smart risk management and essential for financing strong companies that create stable jobs, provide good salaries, and nurture prosperity that will, in turn, grow our pension assets from within. Domiciling fund vehicles in local currencies is critical to anchoring that growth domestically, avoiding value erosion, and building a virtuous cycle of local resilience and inclusion, across African markets.' The GVCA Conference highlighted the urgent need for stakeholders to invest in ecosystem-building activities such as training Limited Partners, developing the financial infrastructure, nurturing public interest, and attracting women and young talent. These initiatives should be pursued alongside advocacy for policy and regulatory reforms to reassure asset allocators in ways that shift 5% of their allocations to alternative assets like venture capital and private equity by 2026, unlocking billions in local African institutional funding for private sector development. As institutional investors seek new strategies to meet their members' evolving needs, the Compact represents a bold industry commitment that sets the stage for venture-backed companies to become a driving force in job creation and economic security across African markets. The GVCA's initiative signals that the future of African private equity will be more dynamic, inclusive, intentional, and homegrown by African asset allocators. The Compact, forged at a critical inflection point for African private equity, underscores a wake-up call for asset allocators: it is time to diversify to fuel sustainable growth in the real economy with a renewed win-win mindset. About Ghana Venture Capital & Private Equity Association: Founded in 2021, the Ghana Venture Capital Association (GVCA) is the foremost voice for venture capital and private equity in Ghana, as well as a partner to the African Private Capital Association (AVCA). GVCA acts as a key connector within Ghana's private investment ecosystem, linking asset allocators, institutional investors, fund managers, portfolio companies, advisors, and service providers. Its growing membership consists of firms, including venture capital and private equity companies, institutional investors, and professional services entities. GVCA advocates on behalf of its members to influential stakeholders, including government agencies, regulators, media, and other relevant organizations.


Chicago Tribune
26-04-2025
- Business
- Chicago Tribune
Bill could end Gary airport bi-state pact, stuns mayor who cites loss of revenue
Without explanation, the Republican-controlled General Assembly approved the termination of a bi-state alliance that's pumped millions of dollars into the Gary/Chicago International Airport. The move comes as state lawmakers scrambled to cut millions from the state budget Thursday after a revenue forecast projecting a $2.4 billion shortfall. An amendment to House Bill 1142, approved on Thursday, requires the Gary City Council to terminate the Compact by 2030. The language on the termination was a late addition into House Bill 1142, which addressed tax fiscal matters. Sen. Lonnie Randolph, D-East Chicago, was listed as a sponsor on House Bill 1142, but he was one of just three senators who voted against the bill which passed 47-3. In the House, Rep. Ragen Hatcher, D-Gary, was the lone dissenting vote on the bill that passed 78-1. Earlier, House Bill 1001, the state budget bill, called for the city council to terminate the compact by Jan. 1, 2026. Gary Mayor Eddie Melton said via a statement Friday the legislation caught him off guard. 'Thanks to a Northwest Indiana delegation downstate, this mandate has been pushed back by five years, but the potential consequences remain severe,' Melton said. 'If enacted as originally intended, we would risk losing millions of dollars in funding from our Compact agreement with Chicago, as well as critical FAA grants that sustain our airport's day-to-day operations. 'This legislative move is especially troubling in light of the growing investment in and around the airport that my administration has been able to accomplish within my first 14 months in office. One major project, a $40 million development, set to begin this year, is expected to bring hundreds of new jobs to Gary and Northwest Indiana. 'This sends mixed messages to the private sector and could jeopardize our partnership with Chicago.' Melton said he plans to work with Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson and Compact members to determine the best path forward. 'We will not be deterred in our commitment to protecting the economic future of Gary,' Melton said. Gary City Council president Lori Latham, D-1, said in a statement the council didn't become aware of the compact termination language until Thursday — the final day of the legislative session. 'We are closely reviewing this bill, its impact, and all legislation affecting Gary and will be engaging Gary residents on our evaluation and next steps.' A Gary council member voiced disapproval of the earlier language Thursday when it called for a council vote to terminate the Compact by Jan. 1, 2026. 'I would not vote in favor of dissolving the Compact,' said Councilman Darren Washington, D-at-large. 'It's been beneficial in bringing money to the airport.' Washington, who heads the council legislative committee, said he's concerned lawmakers would enact legislation without talking to city officials. Randolph said Friday he added his name to House Bill 1142 because he was told the Compact termination language would be removed. 'The point is I didn't find out about them putting it back in and giving them five years… They decided to take control of the airport and the airport belongs to the city.' Randolph didn't know who inserted the language, but said it came from the House. 'There's somebody behind it, I don't know who it is and somebody has an ulterior motive… That's why I voted against it.' The compact has been in existence since 1995 when former Chicago mayor Richard M. Daley and former Gary mayor Scott King forged the pact, aimed at creating a regional approach to air transportation. 'In substance and symbol,' Daley said, 'it reflects the fact that we are one economy, one region, working together.' Officials credited Chicago's influence with the 2003 creation of a deal that brought Boeing's corporate fleet to the Gary airport. The bi-state agreement preserved Chicago's control of revenue from O'Hare and Midway airport and it called for Gary's airport to receive more than $1 million for three years, doubling its annual budget. Chicago also promised to market Gary and steer cargo and passenger air carriers toward Gary. Over a decade, Chicago pumped $14 million into the Gary airport. 'The city of Chicago has given more money to the airport than the state of Indiana,' Daley said in 2005 while lobbying former Gov. Mitch Daniels for the successful creation of the Northwest Indiana Regional Development Authority to boost airport development. That same year, the legislature also revamped the airport authority leaving Gary still in control, but adding representatives from Lake and Porter counties and overseen by a chairman appointed by the governor.