Latest news with #CongressionalBlackCaucus
CBS News
3 days ago
- General
- CBS News
Memorial services for late former congressman Charles Rangel announced
Former Rep. Charles Rangel to lie in state at New York City Hall Former Rep. Charles Rangel to lie in state at New York City Hall Former Rep. Charles Rangel to lie in state at New York City Hall Memorial services have been announced for late former congressman Charles Rangel, who died on May 26 at age 94. Rangel will lie in repose at St. Aloysius Church on West 132nd Street in Harlem on June 9 and 10. Members of the public are invited to pay their respects between noon and 8 p.m. each day. He will then lie in state at New York City Hall on June 11 and 12. "We want to show just a high level of respect for a leader. Of my knowledge, there's only two congressmen I can recall from Harlem, and that was the great Congressman Adam Clayton Powell [Jr.] and the Congressman Charlie Rangel, and so we're looking forward to show him the respect that he's due," Mayor Eric Adams said. A funeral service for Rangel will be held at St. Patrick's Cathedral in Midtown at 9:45 a.m. on June 13. The mass will be open to the public. Seating will be limited. Charles Rangel dies at 94 Rangel was a Harlem native who served in the House of Representatives for 46 years. He was a Korean War veteran, the dean of the New York Congressional Delegation, a founding member of the Congressional Black Caucus and the first Black chair of the House's Ways and Means Committee. He was also one of the so-called "Gang of Four" coalition along with fellow Harlem natives Basil Paterson, Percy Sutton and former Mayor David Dinkins. In 2008, Rangel faced a series of ethic violations alleging he failed to abide by tax laws, and in 2010, Congress voted to censure him after he was convicted of 11 counts of violating House rules. He went on to be reelected to two more terms. State flags were flown at half-staff in his honor on Monday and Tuesday, and Gov. Kathy Hochul has ordered flags to be lowered on the day of his funeral service. Rangel is survived by his son and daughter, as well as three grandsons.
Yahoo
4 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Opinion - How Maryland's governor can reframe the politics of reparations
Maryland's Gov. Wes Moore (D) recently caused a stir in the movement for reparations in his state. The nation's only Black governor, he vetoed a bill to assess the wrongs of slavery and Jim Crow and propose various remedies. The act had been championed by the state legislature and the Black Caucus, and there is even now talk of overriding his veto. However, Maryland's Black political leadership may be overlooking an alternative strategy to address the politics of reparations. It draws inspiration from how America handled the rebuilding of Europe and Japan after World War II. And Moore, as the nation's only sitting Black governor, can reframe the issue's politics and enhance Black community self-governance. He can initiate a summit to establish a development bank for the descendants of slavery and Jim Crow. What follows is a description of how such a bank can benefit the quest for reparations, why Moore was probably wise to veto the state bill and why Maryland is the place to incorporate a 'reparations bank.' After World War II, the U.S. led the effort to establish a development bank to finance the reconstruction of war-torn Europe and Japan. The multilateral initiative was crucial to a broader package of assistance that came to be known as the Marshall Plan. In a similar fashion, Moore can take the lead to charter a bank to finance the reconstruction of distressed Black communities. Beyond the current efforts of advocates to pursue restitution through piecemeal claims, a bank could be a more efficient way to center the creation of Black institutional wealth. Moore could oversee a summit of political leaders and community banking professionals to craft a mission statement for the reparations bank. It could include members of Maryland's legislative Black Caucus, the Congressional Black Caucus and consultants from Black-owned financial institutions like the Harbor Bank of Maryland. The charter would designate the entity under federal regulations for community development financial institutions and Maryland's community banking laws. Though located in Maryland, the fund would invest in worthy projects for moderate-income Black communities across the country. It would be administered by banking professionals and monitored by an independent accounting service. The development bank would primarily seek private donations and corporate depositors and would pool the funds and collaborate with Black-owned banks, credit unions and attuned financial institutions to vet proposals for planning grants, microfinancing and long-term loans. It could invest in small-scale projects in areas such as cooperative housing and stores, community development corporation charter schools, healthcare and infrastructure projects, and programs for occupational training and entrepreneurship. It would have a rotating board of directors selected from dues-paying organizations that represent the foundational Black community — namely, those that suffered the wrongs of slavery and Jim Crow. Moore was wise to veto the state bill. American political culture has changed dramatically since the days of racial justice activism after the 2020 police killing of George Floyd. During that period, advocates for reparations in California, Illinois and New York found sympathetic allies for legislation to study the subject. But even those initiatives skirted the issue of cash reparations in favor of noneconomic measures like a formal apology. Since then, public sentiment has turned against proposals for racial remedy, and especially the use of public funds for restitution. Other than Black Americans, most groups tend to oppose the idea of reparations, and the empathy for the Black Lives Matters movement was short lived, according to the Pew Research Center. And Democratic Party leaders have expressed concern about the effect of identity politics in the presidential election. As such, advocates may need to explore alternative strategies other than lobbying for a public accounting in the states. The development bank proposal would rely on private funding rather than public. The Trump administration is openly dismissive of Black history and its meaning for contemporary justice. On the 250th anniversary of the American Revolution, for example, the president condemned diversity policies in the armed services during a speech at West Point. Yet Trump brushed aside the historic role of 700 Black patriots — free and enslaved — that participated in the founding of the U.S. Army under frigid conditions at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania. And, though speaking to cadets during the Memorial Day weekend, he neglected to describe how ex-slaves started the Memorial Day holiday after the Civil War. The first commemoration of American war casualties is believed to have occurred on May 1, 1865. That's when emancipated Black workers unearthed a mass grave of Union soldiers near a Confederate prison in Charleston, South Carolina. They reburied the men in a dignified manner and honored their sacrifices to preserve the Union and to end slavery. Additionally, Maryland is the place to get the ball rolling. In criticizing Moore's veto, the legislative Black Caucus noted that the statehouse in Annapolis is less than a mile from the old slave port at the city dock. Yet Maryland symbolizes far more in Black history and contemporary political culture — foremost, its distinction for a high level of statewide political influence. This trend began in 2022 with the election of Moore as governor and Anthony Brown as attorney general — the first Black leaders elected to those offices in the 237-year history of the 'Free State.' Meanwhile, Angela Alsobrooks extended the momentum in her winning campaign for a U.S. Senate seat last year. Maryland is thus the only state where representatives of a sizable Black community have deep roots in the political culture. As such, it is arguably the symbolic capital of Black America. And as governor, Moore is in a position to host a historic summit for the establishment of a development bank for the descendants of slavery and Jim Crow. Roger House is professor emeritus of American Studies at Emerson College and the author of 'Blue Smoke: The Recorded Journey of Big Bill Broonzy' and 'South End Shout: Boston's Forgotten Music Scene in the Jazz Age.' His forthcoming book is 'Five Hundred Years of Black Self-Governance: A Call to Conscience.' Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
4 days ago
- Business
- The Hill
How Maryland's governor can reframe the politics of reparations
Maryland's Gov. Wes Moore (D) recently caused a stir in the movement for reparations in his state. The nation's only Black governor, he vetoed a bill to assess the wrongs of slavery and Jim Crow and propose various remedies. The act had been championed by the state legislature and the Black Caucus, and there is even now talk of overriding his veto. However, Maryland's Black political leadership may be overlooking an alternative strategy to address the politics of reparations. It draws inspiration from how America handled the rebuilding of Europe and Japan after World War II. And Moore, as the nation's only sitting Black governor, can reframe the issue's politics and enhance Black community self-governance. He can initiate a summit to establish a development bank for the descendants of slavery and Jim Crow. What follows is a description of how such a bank can benefit the quest for reparations, why Moore was probably wise to veto the state bill and why Maryland is the place to incorporate a 'reparations bank.' After World War II, the U.S. led the effort to establish a development bank to finance the reconstruction of war-torn Europe and Japan. The multilateral initiative was crucial to a broader package of assistance that came to be known as the Marshall Plan. In a similar fashion, Moore can take the lead to charter a bank to finance the reconstruction of distressed Black communities. Beyond the current efforts of advocates to pursue restitution through piecemeal claims, a bank could be a more efficient way to center the creation of Black institutional wealth. Moore could oversee a summit of political leaders and community banking professionals to craft a mission statement for the reparations bank. It could include members of Maryland's legislative Black Caucus, the Congressional Black Caucus and consultants from Black-owned financial institutions like the Harbor Bank of Maryland. The charter would designate the entity under federal regulations for community development financial institutions and Maryland's community banking laws. Though located in Maryland, the fund would invest in worthy projects for moderate-income Black communities across the country. It would be administered by banking professionals and monitored by an independent accounting service. The development bank would primarily seek private donations and corporate depositors and would pool the funds and collaborate with Black-owned banks, credit unions and attuned financial institutions to vet proposals for planning grants, microfinancing and long-term loans. It could invest in small-scale projects in areas such as cooperative housing and stores, community development corporation charter schools, healthcare and infrastructure projects, and programs for occupational training and entrepreneurship. It would have a rotating board of directors selected from dues-paying organizations that represent the foundational Black community — namely, those that suffered the wrongs of slavery and Jim Crow. Moore was wise to veto the state bill. American political culture has changed dramatically since the days of racial justice activism after the 2020 police killing of George Floyd. During that period, advocates for reparations in California, Illinois and New York found sympathetic allies for legislation to study the subject. But even those initiatives skirted the issue of cash reparations in favor of noneconomic measures like a formal apology. Since then, public sentiment has turned against proposals for racial remedy, and especially the use of public funds for restitution. Other than Black Americans, most groups tend to oppose the idea of reparations, and the empathy for the Black Lives Matters movement was short lived, according to the Pew Research Center. And Democratic Party leaders have expressed concern about the effect of identity politics in the presidential election. As such, advocates may need to explore alternative strategies other than lobbying for a public accounting in the states. The development bank proposal would rely on private funding rather than public. The Trump administration is openly dismissive of Black history and its meaning for contemporary justice. On the 250th anniversary of the American Revolution, for example, the president condemned diversity policies in the armed services during a speech at West Point. Yet Trump brushed aside the historic role of 700 Black patriots — free and enslaved — that participated in the founding of the U.S. Army under frigid conditions at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania. And, though speaking to cadets during the Memorial Day weekend, he neglected to describe how ex-slaves started the Memorial Day holiday after the Civil War. The first commemoration of American war casualties is believed to have occurred on May 1, 1865. That's when emancipated Black workers unearthed a mass grave of Union soldiers near a Confederate prison in Charleston, South Carolina. They reburied the men in a dignified manner and honored their sacrifices to preserve the Union and to end slavery. Additionally, Maryland is the place to get the ball rolling. In criticizing Moore's veto, the legislative Black Caucus noted that the statehouse in Annapolis is less than a mile from the old slave port at the city dock. Yet Maryland symbolizes far more in Black history and contemporary political culture — foremost, its distinction for a high level of statewide political influence. This trend began in 2022 with the election of Moore as governor and Anthony Brown as attorney general — the first Black leaders elected to those offices in the 237-year history of the 'Free State.' Meanwhile, Angela Alsobrooks extended the momentum in her winning campaign for a U.S. Senate seat last year. Maryland is thus the only state where representatives of a sizable Black community have deep roots in the political culture. As such, it is arguably the symbolic capital of Black America. And as governor, Moore is in a position to host a historic summit for the establishment of a development bank for the descendants of slavery and Jim Crow. Roger House is professor emeritus of American Studies at Emerson College and the author of 'Blue Smoke: The Recorded Journey of Big Bill Broonzy' and 'South End Shout: Boston's Forgotten Music Scene in the Jazz Age.' His forthcoming book is 'Five Hundred Years of Black Self-Governance: A Call to Conscience.'
Daily Mail
5 days ago
- Entertainment
- Daily Mail
Michelle Obama shares why it's a pain to be married to Barack amid divorce rumors
Former first lady Michelle Obama revealed new details on some of the annoyances that come with being married to Barack Obama. Obama sat down with her brother Craig Robinson for an episode of their IMO podcast, bringing on as their guest Dr. Sharon Malone. Like Obama, Malone had a stint at being a political wife, as she's married to former Attorney General Eric Holder. Obama recalled that the women first met at a Congressional Black Caucus event when Barack Obama was a U.S. senator. 'They put us together because we were both reluctant spouses attending one of these huge dinners,' the former first lady recalled. 'And what, where were they? Was Barack a U.S. senator?' President Barack Obama was elected to the U.S. Senate in 2004 - after becoming a nationally recognized political figure for the stirring keynote he delivered at the Democratic National Convention earlier that year. He remained a senator until 2008, resigning after he was elected president of the United States. 'There was a line of people waiting to shake hands with our respective husbands,' Obama recalled. 'You know, people, like reaching over our heads and spilling water on us, trying to get to these two, you know, illustrious men.' Obama made eye contact with Malone and realized they needed to be friends. 'She had the same look on her face as I did, like, "Here we go,"' Obama recalled. 'And I looked over at this beautiful woman ... But I just saw the look on her face, which expressed the sentiments that I felt, which was.' 'P***ed off,' Robinson offered. Obama rejected that. She said it was more like, 'You see this? Like, this is crazy, isn't it, girl?' the former first lady said. For years Obama has been frank about being a 'reluctant' political spouse - but she pulled back even more earlier this year when she decided against going to the late President Jimmy Carter's funeral in January. She then skipped President Donald Trump's second swearing-in ceremony on January 20th, leaving her husband to go solo. Those absences sparked divorce rumors, which Obama addressed during a taping of actress Sophia Bush's podcast last month. 'That's the thing that we as women, I think we struggle with disappointing people. I mean, so much so that this year people were, you know, they couldn't even fathom that I was making a choice for myself that they had to assume that my husband and I are divorcing,' Obama said. 'That this couldn't be a grown woman just making a set of decisions for herself, right?' she continued. Obama added: 'That's what society does to us.' 'We start actually, finally going, "What am I doing? Who am I doing this for?" And if it doesn't fit into the sort of stereotype of what people think we should do, then it gets labeled as something negative and horrible.'
Yahoo
7 days ago
- Health
- Yahoo
How Charlie Rangel Changed His Mind About the War on Drugs
It "seemed like a good idea at the time," Charlie Rangel remarked in 2021, referring to the draconian drug penalties he supported as a New York congressman in the 1980s. "Clearly, it was overkill." Rangel, who died on Monday at the age of 94, came to that conclusion after enthusiastically supporting the war on drugs for decades, going so far as to criticize Republicans as soft on the issue. His transformation from a zealous prohibitionist into a drug policy reformer reflected his recognition of the human costs inflicted by heavy-handed criminalization. A former federal prosecutor who was first elected to Congress in 1970, Rangel was a founding member of the Congressional Black Caucus who represented Harlem in the House until 2017. He played a leading role in drug policy as a member of the House Select Committee on Narcotics Abuse and Control, which he chaired from 1983 to 1993. "Even though the administration claims to have declared a war on drugs, the only evidence we find of this war [is] the casualties," Rangel complained in June 1986, a week after the cocaine-related death of Len Bias, a star University of Maryland basketball player who had just been drafted by the Boston Celtics. "If indeed a war has been declared, I asked the question, 'When was the last time we heard a statement in support of this war from our commander in chief?'" A few months after Rangel demanded action, Congress approved the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986, which established mandatory minimum penalties for drug offenses, including a sentencing scheme that treated smoked cocaine as if it were 100 times worse than the snorted kind. Two years later, another Anti-Drug Abuse Act made crack penalties even more severe, prescribing a minimum five-year sentence for simple possession of more than five grams—less than the weight of two sugar packets. In a 1989 Ebony profile that dubbed him "The Front-Line General in the War on Drugs," Rangel explained the rationale for such legislation. "We need outrage!" he said. "I don't know what is behind the lackadaisical attitudes towards drugs, but I do know that the American people have made it abundantly clear: They are outraged by the indifference of the U.S. government to this problem." Four years later, when Rangel introduced a bill that would have eliminated three crack-specific mandatory minimums, he was already having second thoughts about this get-tough approach. By that point, the senseless penal distinction between crack and cocaine powder had led to stark racial disparities and prompted objections from federal judges, whose criticism would soon be amplified by the U.S. Sentencing Commission. "In response to the onslaught of cocaine abuse in the 1980s," Rangel explained in 2007, "the nation crafted a drug policy totally lacking in compassion, and worse, that was totally unfair to the weakest, and most disadvantaged, in society." By his telling, "the sudden, frightening epidemic of a new street drug…impelled besieged lawmakers to enact stiff punishments for crack cocaine offenses." Rather than "reducing drug addiction and crime," Rangel said, those laws "swelled prison populations, created a sentencing divide that victimized young Black men, left a generation of children fatherless, and drove up the costs of a justice system focused more on harsh punishment than rehabilitation." In other words, the "stiff punishments" that Rangel thought would help his community had the opposite effect. Rangel's evolution extended beyond crack penalties. By 2011, the same congressman who in 1991 had defended the war on drugs in a debate with National Review founder William F. Buckley Jr. was co-sponsoring a bill aimed at ending federal marijuana prohibition. "It simply doesn't make sense to waste billions of dollars putting hundreds of thousands of Americans in prison for non-violent offenses," Rangel declared in 2012. His change of heart, which began earlier and went further than a similar shift by Joe Biden, provided hope that even the most gung-ho drug warrior can learn from experience. © Copyright 2025 by Creators Syndicate Inc. The post How Charlie Rangel Changed His Mind About the War on Drugs appeared first on
