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AllAfrica
2 days ago
- Politics
- AllAfrica
A quiet path to peace in the South China Sea
For more than two decades, the South China Sea has been the focal point of competing claims, maritime frictions and delicate diplomacy. What was once envisioned as a stabilizing framework—the Code of Conduct (CoC)—has itself become a symbol of ASEAN's struggle to balance sovereignty with pragmatism. From the time ASEAN and China adopted the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in 2002, negotiators worked on multiple drafts of a binding code, only to spend 23 years distilling them into a single text. The question today is no longer whether a draft exists, but whether its contents can meaningfully prevent clashes at sea and mitigate boiling territorial disputes. The unresolved sticking point remains the legally binding nature of the CoC. If the document ends up as a political declaration, it will be vulnerable to selective compliance and easy to disregard when convenient. A binding code, by contrast, would oblige all signatories to abide by clearly defined rules, creating predictability in a contested maritime domain. The distinction may appear technical, but its consequences are profound. Without enforceability, the CoC risks becoming yet another diplomatic gesture, attractive on paper but hollow in practice. Compounding the issue is the scope of the CoC. Will it apply narrowly to disputed features like reefs and shoals, or will it cover the vast maritime domain within China's 'nine-dash line' claim? For ASEAN claimant states such as Vietnam, the Philippines and Malaysia, this is no academic matter—it is the difference between protecting sovereign rights or conceding them to great-power bargaining. Another source of tension lies in freedom of navigation operations (FONOPS). For Washington, the principle is clear: no excessive maritime claims should impede global commerce or military passage. Yet for Beijing, US FONOPS are intrusive, deliberately provocative maneuvers that challenge its authority in waters it considers its own. Between these poles, ASEAN states find themselves caught in a dilemma. They need FONOPS to safeguard open sea lanes vital for trade, but they also fear being drawn into the spirals of confrontation between Washington and Beijing. Here lies the essence of ASEAN's quandary: ensuring that global rules of navigation remain intact without allowing external powers to militarize its backyard. Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has rightly urged that ASEAN must pursue what he calls a 'quiet order'—diplomacy that is quiescent, not noisy; discreet, not theatrical. In the South China Sea, loud diplomacy often escalates tensions rather than defuses them. Statements that seek to score political points, or military maneuvers broadcast for maximum publicity, tend to harden positions rather than soften them. That said, quiescent diplomacy does not mean passivity. It is an active strategy of restraint, dialogue, and behind-the-scenes problem-solving. It allows for necessary activities—patrols, exercises, even FONOPS—to proceed without becoming political spectacles. It also gives room for China and the United States to engage each other without turning ASEAN waters into stages for their rivalry. Australia and Japan, both increasingly active in regional security, would do well to adopt this approach. Their interests in open seas and stable trade are legitimate. But by keeping their activities low-key and non-confrontational, they can reassure ASEAN states that their presence is supportive rather than escalatory. Traditionally, military exercises at sea have been cast in the language of deterrence. Yet deterrence can easily slide into provocation, especially when it takes place near disputed waters. ASEAN must therefore find ways to reframe these exercises so that they contribute to security without heightening tensions. Indonesia offers an instructive model. Its naval exercises often incorporate humanitarian dimensions—disaster relief simulations, search and rescue drills and medical evacuation scenarios. These activities are not only less confrontational but also deeply relevant in a region prone to typhoons, earthquakes, and tsunamis. A naval fleet preparing to save lives, rather than just project power, demonstrates tangible value to the public and fosters habits of cooperation even among rival navies. If ASEAN could institutionalize such humanitarian exercises, it would transform the narrative of naval presence. Exercises would still hone skills and display readiness, but they would also build trust and confidence across divides. Humanitarian drills provide a rare platform for Chinese, American, and ASEAN naval personnel to interact in non-hostile settings—a confidence-building measure often missing in the security domain. The South China Sea is more than a theater of rivalry. It is the artery through which one-third of global trade flows. Energy supplies from the Middle East to Northeast Asia pass through its waters, as do critical components in the global supply chain. For ASEAN, the stakes are existential. Stability in the South China Sea underpins not just sovereignty but economic survival. This makes ASEAN centrality not an abstract diplomatic slogan but a structural necessity. Without ASEAN as a convener, the South China Sea risks becoming a playground for external powers. ASEAN's role must be to insist on inclusive, rule-based management of disputes while ensuring its member states do not become pawns in a wider geopolitical contest. The challenge now is to convert these principles into practice. A binding Code of Conduct is the first step, but it must be complemented by habits of quiet diplomacy and humanitarian cooperation. All sides—including the US, China, Australia and Japan—must recognize that loud, combative postures are counterproductive. Quiet diplomacy does not erase differences, but it prevents those differences from erupting into clashes. The tragedy of the South China Sea is that a miscalculation—an accidental collision, an overzealous response—could spiral into a wider, devastating conflict. The antidote is not megaphone diplomacy but patient, discreet engagement. As Anwar has argued, the best order for ASEAN is one that is calm, quiet and unassuming. Behind the quietness lies strength: the ability to channel disputes into dialogue, to manage competition without catastrophe, and to build resilience through cooperation. Avoiding more clashes in the South China Sea, like those between China and the Philippines, is not a matter of silencing legitimate concerns but of addressing them with composure. A legally binding Code of Conduct, paired with discreet diplomacy and humanitarian naval cooperation, offers ASEAN and its partners the best chance of preserving stability. The world must recognize that the South China Sea is not simply contested territory; it is a shared lifeline. Protecting it requires not bravado but balance through quiet strength. In the end, it is the art of silence—disciplined, deliberate and purposeful—that may prove to be ASEAN's most powerful tool in ensuring peace on the open seas. Phar Kim Beng is professor of ASEAN studies at the International Islamic University of Malaysia and director of the Institute of Internationalization and ASEAN Studies (IINTAS).
Malaysia Sun
10-07-2025
- Politics
- Malaysia Sun
Wang Yi says China dependable partner for ASEAN countries
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee (C), is pictured at the China-ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, July 10, 2025. /China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs China has always been the most reliable stabilizing force in a turbulent world and the most dependable partner for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) members to address challenges, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said during the China-ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Malaysia on Thursday. Noting that China and ASEAN share similar development concepts, common demands, and integrated interests, Wang said China regards ASEAN as a priority direction for neighborhood diplomacy and a pioneering area for promoting the building of a community with a shared future for mankind. "We should support and achieve success for each other in promoting the modernization process of Asia," said Wang, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee. Wang briefed the attendees on the achievements of China-ASEAN cooperation and put forward four proposals. First, to be a model in defending international fairness and justice, Wang said that China and ASEAN must resolutely safeguard the global system, with the United Nations at its core, and the international order based on international law. China supports ASEAN's central position in the regional architecture and its greater role in regional and international affairs. China is willing to work with ASEAN countries to practice open regionalism and true multilateralism and make greater contributions to regional and global governance. Second, to be a model for maintaining regional peace and stability, Wang said that the peace and stability in the region are extremely precious and should be firmly safeguarded. He said that geopolitical conflicts or bloc confrontations should not be introduced into Asia, adding that China is willing to take the lead in signing the Protocol to the Treaty on the Southeast Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone. Wang said that the South China Sea is the shared home of regional countries, rather than a "gladiatorial arena" for major powers and that China is willing to expand cooperation with ASEAN countries in areas such as marine environmental protection, navigation safety, maritime law enforcement and key marine infrastructure, and fully implement the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, advance consultations on the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea, and always keep the initiative on the South China Sea issue in our own hands. Third, to set an example of conducting mutually beneficial and win-win cooperation, Wang said China is willing to work with ASEAN to build the Version 3.0 China-ASEAN Free Trade Area, foster the high-quality development of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement and create a high-level free trade network. China is willing to continue to take the high-quality Belt and Road cooperation as the main platform, strengthen connectivity and cooperation in production and supply chains with ASEAN, and create highlights of cooperation in areas such as artificial intelligence, digital transformation and clean energy. China speaks highly of ASEAN's firm commitment to free trade and the multilateral trading system and believes that it is necessary to resolve economic and trade differences through equal dialogue and mutual benefit, safeguard own dignity and the bottom line of principles, and must not do so at the expense of the interests of third parties, Wang said. Fourth, to set an example for promoting inclusiveness and mutual learning, China is willing to continue to advocate dialogue, exchanges and mutual understanding among different civilizations with ASEAN countries, Wang said, adding that both sides should jointly well organize the "Year of People-to-People Exchange," enhance exchanges in education, youth, think tanks, media and other fields, take concrete actions to implement the Global Civilization Initiative, and promote mutual understanding, friendship and integration among the people. The participating countries said that China-ASEAN cooperation is the most dynamic and fruitful. China has always been one of the most important dialogue partners of ASEAN, expressing gratitude to China for its support of ASEAN's central position. They said that they are willing to accelerate the alignment of development strategies with China, cooperate under the Belt and Road Initiative at a high quality, deepen all-round cooperation in trade, investment, connectivity, digital transformation, clean energy and transnational crime crackdown, and look forward to the signing of the ASEAN-China free trade area 3.0 protocol within this year to continuously promote regional economic integration. Appreciating China's willingness to take the lead in signing the Protocol to the Treaty on the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone, they said they look forward to the early conclusion of the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea by all parties. They also said that they are willing to work with China to safeguard multilateralism and the multilateral trading system, jointly address global challenges, further strengthen unity and cooperation with China, advance the modernization process in Asia, and promote regional peace, stability and prosperity. Wang also met with the foreign ministers of relevant countries during the meeting. Source: CGTN
GMA Network
24-05-2025
- Politics
- GMA Network
China says US should stop using PH to make trouble as PH reiterates sovereignty
China Coast Guard vessel 21559 fires water cannon and sideswipes a BFAR vessel in Pag-asa Cay 2 (Sandy Cay) in the West Philippine Sea on Thursday, May 22, 2025. Screengrab from Philippine Coast Guard video China on Friday urged the US to refrain from using the Philippines to create trouble as the Philippines reiterated its sovereignty over Pag-asa island and all of its cays. In a press conference, Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Mao Ning said: "We advise the U.S. side not to use the Philippines to stir up trouble in the South China Sea, and not to undermine peace and stability in the region." GMA News Online (GNO) contacted the US Embassy but it said it has no comment about the statement from Beijing. The embassy referred GNO to the US State Department and the Philippines' Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) instead. GNO then contacted the DFA for comment but it has yet to receive a statement as of posting time. Mao's statement came in light of an X post by US Ambassador to the Philippines MaryKay Carlson, who condemned China's aggressive actions against Philippine research vessels. 'The China Coast Guard's aggressive actions against a lawful [Philippine] civilian mission near Sandy Cay recklessly endangered lives and threaten regional stability. We stand with our [Filipino] allies in support of international law and a Free and Open Indo-Pacific,' Carlson said Thursday. Earlier on Thursday, a China Coast Guard (CCG) ship reportedly fired water cannon and sideswiped a Philippine Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR) vessel in Pag-asa Cay 2 (Sandy Cay) in the West Philippine Sea (WPS). In a statement, BFAR said its BRP Datu Sanday and BRP Datu Pagbuaya were on a routine mission with a scientific team to collect sand samples in the area as part of a marine scientific research initiative. BFAR said the Philippine scientific team was able to complete its operations in Pag-asa Cays 1, 2 and 3 despite the CCG and Chinese maritime militia vessels' 'aggressive, dangerous, and illegal' actions. The bureau pointed out that the incident happened within the territorial sea of the Philippines in the area of Pag-asa Island and Pag-asa Cay 2, which are part of the Kalayaan Island Group in the WPS. China however claimed that the Philippines was illegally sending people to Tiexian Jiao, its term for Sandy Cay, which it said was part of Nansha Qundao or the Spratly Islands. The CCG on Thursday said it took "control measures" against Philippine ships and confirmed a collision occurred between the two sides' vessels. 'China Coast Guard has released a statement and on-site video footage on the incident. The facts speak for themselves… That severely infringes on China's sovereignty, and violates the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea,' Mao said. China insisted that their actions were fully necessary, legitimate, and lawful. 'The Philippines needs to immediately stop its infringement activities and provocations. Otherwise, China will make a resolute response,' Mao Ning said. In response, the National Maritime Council condemned the actions and reiterated that the Philippines had longstanding sovereignty and jurisdiction over Pag-asa island and all of its cays. "These deliberate acts of interference and intimidation seriously violate the sovereignty of the Philippines and constitute a grave violation of international law, particularly the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and the relevant domestic laws,' the NMC said in a statement on Friday. Tensions continue as Beijing claims almost all of the South China Sea, a conduit for more than $3 trillion of annual shipborne commerce, including parts claimed by the Philippines, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei. Parts of the South China Sea that fall within Philippine territory have been renamed by the government as West Philippine Sea to reinforce the country's claim. The West Philippine Sea refers to the maritime areas on the western side of the Philippine archipelago including Luzon Sea and the waters around, within and adjacent to the Kalayaan Island Group and Bajo de Masinloc. In 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague ruled in favor of the Philippines over China's claims in the South China Sea, saying that it had "no legal basis." China has refused to recognize the decision. —with a report from Reuters/KG, GMA Integrated News
South China Morning Post
02-03-2025
- Politics
- South China Morning Post
South China Sea: Asean, Beijing need recalibrated approach to reach binding code of conduct
Disputes in the South China Sea have heightened insecurity in the Indo-Pacific , with claimant nations pursuing diplomatic and legal resolutions, including arbitration, while non-claimant states have advocated for freedom of navigation and compliance with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (Unclos). Advertisement Over the years, Asean and China have sought to maintain peace and stability by resolving long-standing territorial disputes peacefully, first with the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea in November 2002, and later through negotiations for a Code of Conduct (COC) framework adopted in August 2017. However, a serious gap remains between the diplomatic efforts and the complex reality of drafting the binding COC. Since negotiations started in March 2018, there have been no apparent breakthroughs for early conclusion of the COC. As a result, this lack of progress jeopardises the credibility of Asean and China, increasing tensions and the potential for conflict. Although there was reason for optimism following the third reading of the Single Draft COC Negotiating Text, the Asean Foreign Ministers' Retreat held on January 19 in Langkawi, Malaysia reiterated the importance of maintaining positive momentum towards the early conclusion of an effective and substantive COC that is in accordance with international law, including the 1982 Unclos treaty. Advertisement A revised strategy will be essential for progressing COC negotiations to more effectively address conflicting sovereignty claims among the claimants; otherwise, the dream of an effective binding code will remain problematic and elusive.
