Latest news with #Dravidian
Indian Express
25 minutes ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
DMK MPs will make their voices on TN's rights heard in Parliament, says CM Stalin
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M K Stalin on Friday said his party MPs will make their voice on the rights of the state heard in the Parliament. Recalling the crucial role of the party's MPs since the times of former Chief Minister C N Annadurai, who had proclaimed 'I belong to the Dravidian stock' in the Rajya Sabha, Stalin, who is the president of the DMK, said, 'Our MPs have been resonating the voice of Tamil Nadu's rights.' 'My heart melted and was moved by the speech of my brother Vaiko (MDMK chief),' he said in a post on the social media platform 'X'. 'I appreciate the work of Shanmugam, M M Abdulla and congratulate senior lawyer P Wilson, who will continue as an MP, and our dear friend Kamal Haasan, Salem S R Sivalingam, and poet Salma who will be our new voice,' he further said. The DMK had nominated the sitting MP and senior advocate P Wilson, Salem East district secretary and former legislator S R Sivalingam, and the party's spokesperson and poet Rokkiah Malik, popularly known as poet Salma, to the Rajya Sabha. Apart from this, DMK has allocated one Rajya Sabha seat to Makkal Needhi Maiyam, which in turn fielded its founder-president Kamal Haasan for the seat.
News18
2 hours ago
- Politics
- News18
DMK MPs will make their voices on TN's rights heard in Parliament, says TN CM
Chennai, Jul 25 (PTI) Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M K Stalin on Friday said his party MPs will make their voice on the rights of the state heard in the Parliament. Recalling the crucial role of the party's MPs since the times of former Chief Minister C N Annadurai, who had proclaimed 'I belong to the Dravidian stock" in the Rajya Sabha, Stalin, who is the president of the DMK, said, 'Our MPs have been resonating the voice of Tamil Nadu's rights." 'My heart melted and was moved by the speech of my brother Vaiko (MDMK chief)," he said in a post on the social media platform 'X'. 'I appreciate the work of Shanmugam, M M Abdulla and congratulate senior lawyer P Wilson, who will continue as an MP, and our dear friend Kamal Haasan, Salem S R Sivalingam, and poet Salma who will be our new voice," he further said. The DMK had nominated Makkal Needhi Maiam founder-president Kamal Haasan, the sitting MP and senior advocate P Wilson, Salem East district secretary and former legislator S R Sivalingam, and the party's spokesperson and poet Rokkiah Malik, popularly known as poet Salma, to the Rajya Sabha. PTI JSP ADB Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
New Indian Express
3 hours ago
- Politics
- New Indian Express
2.4K secondary grade teachers hired after 11 years in Tamil Nadu
CHENNAI: Over 11 years since the last recruitment for the post was done in 2014, Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin on Thursday handed over appointment orders to 2,457 secondary grade teachers selected through the Teachers Recruitment Board (TRB). He also launched books developed under two key initiatives of the school education department — Thiran and TN Spark. The appointments were based on a TRB examination conducted in 2024, followed by certificate verification and counselling completed earlier this month. According to sources, the last recruitment of secondary grade teachers, who are posted in primary and middle schools, took place in 2014, when over 1,500 candidates were appointed. Addressing the teachers, Udhayanidhi recalled welfare measures implemented by previous DMK governments for school teachers and stressed on the long-standing association between the Dravidian movement and teachers. Udhayanidhi said that for the first time in the history of the school education department, there are no vacancies of secondary grade teacher posts in hilly regions, and described the tenure of Minister Anbil Mahesh Poyyamozhi as the golden age of the department. Udhayanidhi also released books developed under the Thiran (Targeted Help for Improving Remediation & Academic Nurturing) scheme, aimed at enhancing language and mathematical skills of students in classes 6 to 9.
News18
a day ago
- General
- News18
Why Is Non-Veg Food Not Banned Around South Indian Temples
Last Updated: Unlike in North India, South Indian temples often coexist with nearby non-vegetarian shops, reflecting on local culture, livelihood, and a more inclusive view of religion In contrast to North India, where food near sacred sites is often policed for purity, South India offers a more pragmatic and inclusive approach to dietary diversity, even around revered Hindu temples. Food And Faith: A Cultural Distinction While religious devotion runs deep in South India, food choices are largely viewed as personal or economic, rather than moral. Unlike in North India, where vegetarianism is closely linked with religious observance, South Indian traditions often separate ritual purity within temple spaces from dietary habits outside. Communities such as Nairs, Reddys, Vokkaligas, Thevars, and even some Brahmins in Kerala and Bengal have long included meat and fish in their diets. Non-vegetarianism here is part of cultural identity rather than a mark of religious impurity. Temple Management And Social Influence Another key difference lies in how temples are administered. In North India, many temples are overseen by politically or socially driven organisations, which often promote strict vegetarianism. In the South, however, temples are typically run by Devasthanam boards or mathas (monasteries) that reflect a broader cross-section of local communities, making rigid dietary enforcement uncommon. The influence of the Dravidian movement, Ambedkarite thought, and regional politics has further contributed to a more inclusive, less polarised religious atmosphere. As a result, dietary restrictions are not imposed on the surrounding public. In temple towns like Rameswaram in Tamil Nadu and Srisailam in Andhra Pradesh, local communities, particularly fishermen, depend on non-vegetarian food sales for their livelihood. Expecting the removal of such shops in these areas is not only impractical but morally questionable. Coastal abundance and ancient Dravidian culinary traditions have normalised the presence of fish and meat in these regions. Many rural and folk traditions in South India, including certain Shaivite and Shakta rituals, even incorporate meat offerings. Therefore, meat shops near temples do not spark widespread opposition. Different Notions Of Purity And Worship South Indian religiosity often emphasises bhakti (devotion), inward spirituality, and inclusive practice rather than controlling the behaviour of others. This enables a more tolerant environment, where dietary habits coexist with deep religious faith. Even historically, South Indian rulers such as the Cholas and Pandyas, known for their temple patronage, were meat-eaters, further cementing the cultural normalisation of non-vegetarian diets alongside religious devotion. Vegetarianism: A Regional Divide Statistically, the percentage of vegetarians is far higher in states like Gujarat, Haryana, Punjab, and Rajasthan. In contrast, the majority of people in Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, and Telangana regularly consume non-vegetarian food, with only a small percentage identifying as strictly vegetarian. Temples With Nearby Non-Vegetarian Food Outlets Despite the sacred nature of the following temples, non-vegetarian restaurants are found close by: Rameswaram, Ramanathapuram (Tamil Nadu): A Jyotirlinga shrine surrounded by seafood restaurants supporting the local fishing community. Meenakshi Temple, Madurai (Tamil Nadu): Located in a vibrant part of the city with mutton biryani shops nearby. Chidambaram Nataraja Temple (Tamil Nadu): Surrounded by both vegetarian and non-vegetarian eateries. Arunachaleshwar Temple, Tiruvannamalai (Tamil Nadu): Non-veg food is common in surrounding hotels. Srisailam, Kurnool (Andhra Pradesh): Non-vegetarian dishes are sold in the outer complex, while the inner temple area remains strictly vegetarian. One exception is Tirupati Balaji, Tirumala in Andhra Pradesh, where non-vegetarian food is strictly prohibited near the temple, though it is available in the lower town of Tirupati. view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: July 24, 2025, 11:49 IST News explainers Why Is Non-Veg Food Not Banned Around South Indian Temples | Explained Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
The Hindu
a day ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Damned if they do, or don't: The AIADMK's impossible choice
The AIADMK is in a classic Catch-22 situation in Tamil Nadu: the party is damned if it allies with the BJP, and damned if it does not. On the one hand, to consolidate the anti-DMK votes and remain electorally competitive, the AIADMK feels compelled to ally with the BJP. This pragmatic move will prevent a fatal split in the Opposition vote that would almost certainly benefit the ruling DMK-led coalition. On the other, aligning with the BJP to strengthen its electoral position simultaneously weakens the AIADMK'S core identity. This alienates a crucial segment of its traditional voter base, as long-time AIADMK supporters, particularly from minority communities as well as Dravidian adherents, view the BJP's Hindutva ideology as antithetical to the party's foundational principles. Meanwhile, the alliance, meant to bolster the AIADMK, provides the BJP with the platform and legitimacy it needs to grow in Tamil Nadu. This growth often comes from poaching voters directly from the AIADMK itself. Specifically, the BJP attracts those who have looser ties with the AIADMK's ideological past but have aligned with the party primarily because they oppose the DMK. And if the AIADMK were to break the alliance to protect its ideological core and win back disaffected voters, it would likely face a multi-cornered contest. This would splinter the anti-DMK vote, making a DMK victory mathematically much easier. The path that the AIADMK has chosen in an attempt to solve its short-term electoral problem — namely, allying with the BJP — deepens its long-term existential crisis of losing its unique identity and voter base. The path to electoral survival seemingly requires an act of political self-harm. This is the perfect definition of a Catch-22. The vote share data in Table 1 A and B from the past decade shows contested vote share from Assembly and Parliamentary elections. The numbers bear this out. While the votes shares of the AIADMK significantly dropped from 2011 to 2021, the party retained a strong core of close to 40% of votes in the seats it contested in 2021. This dropped dramatically to 23.5% in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, when the AIADMK opted to stay out of the BJP-led alliance. In an earlier Data Point titled 'AIADMK and BJP split: Diminishing electoral returns…' in October 2023, we had advanced the reasons for the regional party's decision to move away from the BJP because a significant core of its voters were uncomfortable with the alliance. Meanwhile, the BJP's performance in urban local body elections held closer to that time showed that the party improved its vote share largely at the expense of the AIADMK. The 2024 parliamentary elections — viewed with the caveat that these were held to decide equations in New Delhi rather than in Chennai — also showed that the BJP was capable of gaining ground at the expense of the AIADMK. Meanwhile, the DMK-led alliance — an ideologically coherent front bound by its opposition to the BJP — retained its vote share between 2021 and 2024, enhanced by around 2% points following the support of Kamal Haasan's party. Data in Tables 2A, B, and C, however, complicates the picture. While the AIADMK in its alliance with the BJP won close to 75 Assembly seats in 2021, the split between the two parties resulted in the DMK leading in 221 Assembly segments in the 2024 parliamentary elections. This left the AIADMK-led alliance and the BJP-led alliance to lead in just 10 and 3 segments, respectively. Hypothetically, if the alliance between the AIADMK, the BJP, and their respective partners had remained intact, they would have led in 84 segments. This would have placed the alliance's hypothetical 41% vote share just 6 points behind the ruling coalition's 47%, a gap that a 3-point swing could potentially bridge. A region-wise break-up (Table 3 A and B) gives a more granular picture. In the West, or the Kongu belt from where AIADMK chief Edappadi K. Palaniswami hails, the combined alliance had won 26 out of 42 seats in 2021. In the North-Central region, where the PMK is a strong party, they won 24 of the 55 seats. These numbers were reduced to just 2 (for AIADMK+) and 7 (four for AIADMK+ and three for BJP+) segments, respectively, in the 2024 elections. If these parties had maintained their 2021 alliance, they would have led in 22 segments in the West (as opposed to 20 for the DMK-led coalition) and 29 in the North-Central region (against 26 for the DMK+). The combined coalition would have also led the DMK+ 15-14 in the South. This explains why AIADMK leaders from the West and some in the South have given statements favouring an alliance with the BJP, while the PMK president stated his preference for an alliance with the AIADMK in 2024. The internecine strife within the PMK and the DMDK's new-found ambivalence are challenges for the AIADMK-BJP coalition too. A further complication for the 2026 Assembly elections is the entry of actor Vijay's TVK. An alliance with the TVK might seem a logical way for Mr. Palaniswami to consolidate anti-DMK votes, but two factors complicate this. First, the strength of the TVK's support base remains purely speculative. Second, the AIADMK's influential western leaders continue to push for closer ties with the BJP. Caught between these pressures, the beleaguered leader appears to have chosen to return to the BJP coalition even though it will likely hurt his party's identity in the long run.
