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News18
9 hours ago
- General
- News18
Why Is Non-Veg Food Not Banned Around South Indian Temples
Last Updated: Unlike in North India, South Indian temples often coexist with nearby non-vegetarian shops, reflecting on local culture, livelihood, and a more inclusive view of religion In contrast to North India, where food near sacred sites is often policed for purity, South India offers a more pragmatic and inclusive approach to dietary diversity, even around revered Hindu temples. Food And Faith: A Cultural Distinction While religious devotion runs deep in South India, food choices are largely viewed as personal or economic, rather than moral. Unlike in North India, where vegetarianism is closely linked with religious observance, South Indian traditions often separate ritual purity within temple spaces from dietary habits outside. Communities such as Nairs, Reddys, Vokkaligas, Thevars, and even some Brahmins in Kerala and Bengal have long included meat and fish in their diets. Non-vegetarianism here is part of cultural identity rather than a mark of religious impurity. Temple Management And Social Influence Another key difference lies in how temples are administered. In North India, many temples are overseen by politically or socially driven organisations, which often promote strict vegetarianism. In the South, however, temples are typically run by Devasthanam boards or mathas (monasteries) that reflect a broader cross-section of local communities, making rigid dietary enforcement uncommon. The influence of the Dravidian movement, Ambedkarite thought, and regional politics has further contributed to a more inclusive, less polarised religious atmosphere. As a result, dietary restrictions are not imposed on the surrounding public. In temple towns like Rameswaram in Tamil Nadu and Srisailam in Andhra Pradesh, local communities, particularly fishermen, depend on non-vegetarian food sales for their livelihood. Expecting the removal of such shops in these areas is not only impractical but morally questionable. Coastal abundance and ancient Dravidian culinary traditions have normalised the presence of fish and meat in these regions. Many rural and folk traditions in South India, including certain Shaivite and Shakta rituals, even incorporate meat offerings. Therefore, meat shops near temples do not spark widespread opposition. Different Notions Of Purity And Worship South Indian religiosity often emphasises bhakti (devotion), inward spirituality, and inclusive practice rather than controlling the behaviour of others. This enables a more tolerant environment, where dietary habits coexist with deep religious faith. Even historically, South Indian rulers such as the Cholas and Pandyas, known for their temple patronage, were meat-eaters, further cementing the cultural normalisation of non-vegetarian diets alongside religious devotion. Vegetarianism: A Regional Divide Statistically, the percentage of vegetarians is far higher in states like Gujarat, Haryana, Punjab, and Rajasthan. In contrast, the majority of people in Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, and Telangana regularly consume non-vegetarian food, with only a small percentage identifying as strictly vegetarian. Temples With Nearby Non-Vegetarian Food Outlets Despite the sacred nature of the following temples, non-vegetarian restaurants are found close by: Rameswaram, Ramanathapuram (Tamil Nadu): A Jyotirlinga shrine surrounded by seafood restaurants supporting the local fishing community. Meenakshi Temple, Madurai (Tamil Nadu): Located in a vibrant part of the city with mutton biryani shops nearby. Chidambaram Nataraja Temple (Tamil Nadu): Surrounded by both vegetarian and non-vegetarian eateries. Arunachaleshwar Temple, Tiruvannamalai (Tamil Nadu): Non-veg food is common in surrounding hotels. Srisailam, Kurnool (Andhra Pradesh): Non-vegetarian dishes are sold in the outer complex, while the inner temple area remains strictly vegetarian. One exception is Tirupati Balaji, Tirumala in Andhra Pradesh, where non-vegetarian food is strictly prohibited near the temple, though it is available in the lower town of Tirupati. view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: July 24, 2025, 11:49 IST News explainers Why Is Non-Veg Food Not Banned Around South Indian Temples | Explained Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
The Hindu
13 hours ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Damned if they do, or don't: The AIADMK's impossible choice
The AIADMK is in a classic Catch-22 situation in Tamil Nadu: the party is damned if it allies with the BJP, and damned if it does not. On the one hand, to consolidate the anti-DMK votes and remain electorally competitive, the AIADMK feels compelled to ally with the BJP. This pragmatic move will prevent a fatal split in the Opposition vote that would almost certainly benefit the ruling DMK-led coalition. On the other, aligning with the BJP to strengthen its electoral position simultaneously weakens the AIADMK'S core identity. This alienates a crucial segment of its traditional voter base, as long-time AIADMK supporters, particularly from minority communities as well as Dravidian adherents, view the BJP's Hindutva ideology as antithetical to the party's foundational principles. Meanwhile, the alliance, meant to bolster the AIADMK, provides the BJP with the platform and legitimacy it needs to grow in Tamil Nadu. This growth often comes from poaching voters directly from the AIADMK itself. Specifically, the BJP attracts those who have looser ties with the AIADMK's ideological past but have aligned with the party primarily because they oppose the DMK. And if the AIADMK were to break the alliance to protect its ideological core and win back disaffected voters, it would likely face a multi-cornered contest. This would splinter the anti-DMK vote, making a DMK victory mathematically much easier. The path that the AIADMK has chosen in an attempt to solve its short-term electoral problem — namely, allying with the BJP — deepens its long-term existential crisis of losing its unique identity and voter base. The path to electoral survival seemingly requires an act of political self-harm. This is the perfect definition of a Catch-22. The vote share data in Table 1 A and B from the past decade shows contested vote share from Assembly and Parliamentary elections. The numbers bear this out. While the votes shares of the AIADMK significantly dropped from 2011 to 2021, the party retained a strong core of close to 40% of votes in the seats it contested in 2021. This dropped dramatically to 23.5% in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, when the AIADMK opted to stay out of the BJP-led alliance. In an earlier Data Point titled 'AIADMK and BJP split: Diminishing electoral returns…' in October 2023, we had advanced the reasons for the regional party's decision to move away from the BJP because a significant core of its voters were uncomfortable with the alliance. Meanwhile, the BJP's performance in urban local body elections held closer to that time showed that the party improved its vote share largely at the expense of the AIADMK. The 2024 parliamentary elections — viewed with the caveat that these were held to decide equations in New Delhi rather than in Chennai — also showed that the BJP was capable of gaining ground at the expense of the AIADMK. Meanwhile, the DMK-led alliance — an ideologically coherent front bound by its opposition to the BJP — retained its vote share between 2021 and 2024, enhanced by around 2% points following the support of Kamal Haasan's party. Data in Tables 2A, B, and C, however, complicates the picture. While the AIADMK in its alliance with the BJP won close to 75 Assembly seats in 2021, the split between the two parties resulted in the DMK leading in 221 Assembly segments in the 2024 parliamentary elections. This left the AIADMK-led alliance and the BJP-led alliance to lead in just 10 and 3 segments, respectively. Hypothetically, if the alliance between the AIADMK, the BJP, and their respective partners had remained intact, they would have led in 84 segments. This would have placed the alliance's hypothetical 41% vote share just 6 points behind the ruling coalition's 47%, a gap that a 3-point swing could potentially bridge. A region-wise break-up (Table 3 A and B) gives a more granular picture. In the West, or the Kongu belt from where AIADMK chief Edappadi K. Palaniswami hails, the combined alliance had won 26 out of 42 seats in 2021. In the North-Central region, where the PMK is a strong party, they won 24 of the 55 seats. These numbers were reduced to just 2 (for AIADMK+) and 7 (four for AIADMK+ and three for BJP+) segments, respectively, in the 2024 elections. If these parties had maintained their 2021 alliance, they would have led in 22 segments in the West (as opposed to 20 for the DMK-led coalition) and 29 in the North-Central region (against 26 for the DMK+). The combined coalition would have also led the DMK+ 15-14 in the South. This explains why AIADMK leaders from the West and some in the South have given statements favouring an alliance with the BJP, while the PMK president stated his preference for an alliance with the AIADMK in 2024. The internecine strife within the PMK and the DMDK's new-found ambivalence are challenges for the AIADMK-BJP coalition too. A further complication for the 2026 Assembly elections is the entry of actor Vijay's TVK. An alliance with the TVK might seem a logical way for Mr. Palaniswami to consolidate anti-DMK votes, but two factors complicate this. First, the strength of the TVK's support base remains purely speculative. Second, the AIADMK's influential western leaders continue to push for closer ties with the BJP. Caught between these pressures, the beleaguered leader appears to have chosen to return to the BJP coalition even though it will likely hurt his party's identity in the long run.
Deccan Herald
17 hours ago
- Politics
- Deccan Herald
Of Kamaraj and DMK-Cong alliance
Upon becoming chief minister, Kamaraj implemented transformative education policies deeply influenced by Dravidian ideals of social justice.
Time of India
20 hours ago
- Business
- Time of India
CM: TN will top per capita income under DMK 2.0
Chennai: Chief minister M K Stalin on Wednesday said the per capita income in Tamil Nadu has doubled under DMK govt, recording a sharp rise compared to the previous AIADMK govt. "We have crossed the national average in terms of per capita income," Stalin said in a social media post on Wednesday. "TN will become the number one state in per capita income under the upcoming Dravidian model govt 2.0," read a tweet by finance minister Thangam Thennarasu that Stalin reshared. You Can Also Check: Chennai AQI | Weather in Chennai | Bank Holidays in Chennai | Public Holidays in Chennai According to Union govt's data cited by Thennarasu, the per capita income of TN in 2016 was 1.23lakh. It grew to 1.43lakh in 2021 at a rate of 4.42%. From 2021 to 2025, it rose from 1.43lakh to 1.96lakh, accounting for a growth rate of 8.15%, Thennarasu said. TN's per capita income was also higher compared to the country's per capita income. Comparing Tamil Nadu's per capita income growth with that of the nation, Stalin said the state, which holds the second slot below Karnataka, will become first when DMK forms govt in 2026. "This achievement reflects the success of the Dravidian model govt's visionary plans, industrial development, efforts to attract investments, and people's welfare schemes. This is the next crown for our Dravidian model govt, which is working with the principle of everything for all," said Thennarasu.
The Hindu
a day ago
- Business
- The Hindu
Tamil Nadu will continue to spread the glory of Rajendra Chola, says Minister
Terming King Rajendra Chola as a pride of Tamil civilization, Minister for Finance, Environment and Climate Change Thangam Thennarasu on Wednesday said that the State government would continue to spread the king's unparalleled glory and history world over. Inaugurating the 'Aadi Thiruvathirai' festival to mark the birth anniversary of Rajendra Chola at the Brihadeeswara Temple at Gangaikondachozhapuram, Mr. Thennarasu said that during his reign, the Chola empire reached its peak. He extended the empire's reach via trade and conquest across the Indian Ocean. No other emperor in the country had tasted success like Rajendra Chola in extending territory of the dynasty beyond South Asia. His contribution to Dravidian architecture, culture, and Tamil civilization was immense. The State government had been celebrating his birthday every year to recollect his achievements. Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, who was in the forefront in spreading the glorious past of Rajendra Chola, had allocated ₹22 crore for displaying the items found in the excavation work. He had allocated ₹12 crore for the development of Cholagangam Lake. The State government would continue to take steps to spread the king's victories not only in India but also world over. The glory of him should be a lesson for all. Minister for Transport and Electricity S.S. Sivasankar, Minister for Information and Publicity M.P. Saminathan, Minister for Tourism R. Rajendran and Member of Parliament Thol. Thirumavalavan spoke. Additional Chief Secretary K. Manivasan and senior officials in the programme, which was jointly organised by Departments of Tourism, Hindu Religious Endowments Department and the Ariyalur district administration.
