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The Guardian
24-05-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
Was the Black Lives Matter rebellion all for nothing? It may feel like that, but I have seen reasons for hope
It has been five years since George Floyd, a Black man who lived in Minneapolis, was murdered by Derek Chauvin, a white police officer. The killing, captured in a distressing 10-minute video that quickly flooded social media timelines, sparked something that felt like an international revolution: protests took place across the world, forcing countries and cities to reckon with their present and historical treatment of Black people. In Britain, protests reached fever pitch when activists in Bristol toppled a statue of Edward Colston, the slave trader and deputy governor of the Royal African Company, and hurled it into the harbour. Bristol, once a major slave-trading port, had maintained a veneration of Colston that was increasingly divisive. The statue in particular had been a key focus of tensions: attempts to add a second plaque acknowledging Colston's role in the slave trade were frustrated in 2018. For many Bristolians, the direct action provided a moment of long-overdue relief. Colston now resides, supine, inside the city's M Shed museum. Visiting earlier this month, I felt that this had been a worthy outcome: he no longer towers over Bristolians in a kind of psychological domination, yet nor has he simply been made invisible. The statue has been historicised within that specific moment in 2020 and contextualised against a timeline of Bristol's connections with transatlantic slavery. It is one of the key successes of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. But five years on, the bigger questions still remain. What are the real, felt consequences of that moment? Speaking to people visiting Colston, I asked a 70-year-old white man called David, who has lived in Bristol since 2011, if he felt that the toppling and the Black Lives Matter movement had made a real difference to the city. He told me that there is 'a lot more to be done to change the way people think', and then informed me that, about half a mile away, outside Colston's former plinth, was a hard-right demonstration organised by the UK Independence party. They were calling for mass deportations and lamenting the supposed 'destruction' of the city by 'far-left thugs'. I went to check it out. Though they were outnumbered by counter-protesters, the hard-right protesters were there – making grimly visible that there is clearly still a battle under way for the heart, soul and mind of this country. Yemi, a 22-year-old counter-protester carrying a Jamaican flag, told me: 'I actually think the BLM protests fuelled even more hate on their side – because they saw how many people were against racism and Colston, it caused more hate in them and they felt more entitled to protest. So I don't think much has changed.' She also thought that the statue should have been left in the water. 'The harbour is where they brought us in from. I thought it was very fitting for it to stay there.' It is easy to look back at 2020 and feel fascinated, aggrieved, even fooled. I find it quite strange to reflect on. The murder of an African American man led to a kind of 'gold rush' in Britain and in the US, where, particularly in the cultural sector, money and opportunities were handed to Black people as an apology for decades of neglect and underinvestment. Many of these gains and commitments have petered out. In the US, the Black portraiture 'boom' of 2020 has come to a screeching halt, with Black art now going unsold. In the UK, the number of Black writers publishing books has plummeted since 2020. While dispiriting, this could have been foreseen, considering how opportunistic and cynical the industry can be. A Black man named Patrick Hutchinson landed a book deal simply for having carried a far-right protester over his shoulder. There were only 152 days between the event and the book's publication. I have not heard much from Patrick since then. You can buy the book for £2.15 on Amazon. Much of the response also became unfocused to the point of parody and distraction. Politicians 'taking the knee' became an internet meme. The removal of episodes from shows such as The Mighty Boosh and The Dukes of Hazzard from streaming platforms was an overreaction that most activists did not ask for, and seemed to take oxygen out of the movement. Disputes over pop culture began to obscure the target of the protests: police violence, and how it disproportionately affects Black people in the US, the UK and all over the world. Five years on, this problem is still very much with us. In March, Julian Cole, who had been in a minimal conscious state after being violently arrested by Bedfordshire police officers in May 2013, died in hospital at the age of 31. To date, the Crown Prosecution Service has not brought charges against the officers responsible, citing a lack of evidence. In 2022, it was revealed that, two years previously, a 15-year-old Black school girl in Hackney, Child Q, had been strip-searched by police and that racism was likely a contributing factor. The disciplinary hearing for a gross misconduct case has been delayed until this year. Last year, there was indignation after Metropolitan police officer Martyn Blake was acquitted of the murder of an unarmed Black man, Chris Kaba, who he shot dead in 2022. (Blake is set to face a gross misconduct hearing.) Meanwhile, any progress made since 2020 to address the institutional racism of police forces in Britain has come under significant political pressure. Campaigners have been frustrated at the stalling of police reform, with Black-led organisations at a Stephen Lawrence Day conference calling on the government to complete a follow-up to the 2023 Casey report, to set about a real transformation of the force. There has also been a sinister inversion of reality after last summer's 'race riots': the swift justice response led to the myth of 'two-tier policing', suggesting that police are more heavy-handed with white, far-right protesters, despite actual evidence of bias against young Black people. It's easy to forget but the Colston Four, who toppled the statue, were subject to a gruelling two-year legal battle (they were acquitted by a jury of criminal damage). Sign up to The Long Wave Nesrine Malik and Jason Okundaye deliver your weekly dose of Black life and culture from around the world after newsletter promotion But there have been wins and changes, and there is cause for hope. The dynamic of an uprising quickly reaching its peak before petering out and even triggering a backlash can feel disappointing. But it is typical for the course of history that great moments of social upheaval are eventually cannibalised or absorbed into a status quo, with participants left feeling thwarted, or even sheepish about their optimism. As my Guardian colleague Nesrine Malik wrote of the perceived failure of the Arab spring: 'What the Arab spring came up against was a universal conundrum – how to convert the forces that demand equality into those that deliver it.' The muscle memory of those protests was certainly built on to the benefit of mobilising pro-Palestinian marches across the country in the wake of the onslaught against Gaza. And longer-term projects are unfolding – BLM UK's investment of £350,000 into funding Black-led organisations is a real success, while several organisations that had historically profited from enslavement pledged reparatory action in the wake of Colston's toppling, including the Guardian, with its Legacies of Enslavement programme. At M Shed in Bristol too, I was reminded of the importance of planting those small seeds of change. A small white child walking out of the museum asked his mother what 'I can't breathe' meant, as he read it on one of the placards surrounding Colston. His mother began to calmly explain everything that happened in 2020. We might lament the lack of true progress in racial justice, but we can be confident that a blueprint for education, resistance and mobilisation has been established by that moment. Next time, and there will be a next time, we will be better primed to go. With the challenge of a surging global right, it will be more urgent than ever to retain focus and not repeat mistakes. Jason Okundaye is an assistant newsletter editor and writer at the Guardian. He edits The Long Wave newsletter and is the author of Revolutionary Acts: Love & Brotherhood in Black Gay Britain


The Guardian
07-05-2025
- Entertainment
- The Guardian
Backlash: The Murder of George Floyd review – timely, human-scale recap of momentous times
I t's been a long five years since the horrific murder of George Floyd – long enough to have forgotten the international uprising it provoked, perhaps, but also to ask what the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement really achieved. As the title hints, it's been a bumpy ride. This unfussy but hardworking British-made documentary is by no means a definitive answer but it provides a timely recap, and a human scale to one of the most momentous events in modern history. Its focus is mainly on the UK side of the story, but it begins and ends in the US; first with police bodycam footage of that fateful day in Minneapolis, as officers pull a confused and anxious Floyd from his car and lay him on the pavement, and also the now-infamous bystander footage of officer Derek Chauvin mercilessly kneeling on Floyd's neck. One thing that is easy to forget is just how quickly events unfolded. The first protest in Minneapolis was the day after Floyd's death (local civil rights activist Nekima Levy Armstrong emerges as a powerful voice here); within a week, millions of BLM protesters were taking to the streets around the world, and John Boyega was giving an impassioned speech at a huge protest in London's Hyde Park. Just two weeks later, Edward Colston's statue was being pulled down in Bristol and chucked in the harbour. Days after that came the 'white lives matter' counter-protests in Britain, which often devolved into racist chanting and violence against the police. And all this during the Covid lockdowns, with both Donald Trump and Boris Johnson failing to rise to the moment. Fevered times. The levels of brutality might differ on either side of the Atlantic but Britain's history of slavery, societal racism and police violence against Black people is discussed in detail – from British victims of police violence such as Julian Cole and Dalian Atkinson, to activist Khady Gueye, who fought to stage a BLM protest in the predominantly white Forest of Dean and received racist abuse because of it. Other talking heads reminisce and speak of their lived experience, including Reni Eddo-Lodge, Miquita and Andi Oliver, police chief Neil Basu and satirist Munya Chawawa. The story ends with Chauvin's trial and conviction nearly a year later but there is no attempt to dress this up as a happy ending. We are left fearing for whatever progress has been made, especially with a Trump second term ongoing. 'There was a moment where we took charge of the narrative,' says Andi Oliver, 'and look how resentful people have been about it.' But this story underlines how BLM at least got people talking about racial injustice like never before, vindicating and emboldening communities that had been oppressed and ignored. That conversation is far from over. Backlash: The Murder of George Floyd is in UK cinemas from 9 May.
Yahoo
06-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Is VE Day our last celebration of white men?
Every year, VE Day gives the British public the rarest of gifts: an opportunity for unapologetic, unabashed pride in their country. Britain's self-loathing is deep and pervasive. We tiptoe over virtually every aspect of our past, but on May 8, we're permitted to wave flags, watch parades and enjoy a moment of licensed patriotism and unity. It's also a celebration of predominantly white male heroes. Sanctimonious halfwits will spend the rest of the year attempting to shred former glories – tearing down statues of Edward Colston in a bizarre display of solidarity with 'Black Lives Matter', besmirching Winston Churchill, without whom Hitler would likely have prevailed, and reducing the legacy of Admiral Nelson to his moral failings by modern standards, but on VE Day, the great men of our history are safe. This is desperately needed. Even those who ought to uphold and exalt our heritage are now denigrating it. Trump recently said that VE Day would be renamed 'Victory Day for World War Two' because apparently America 'won both Wars,' with 'nobody close to us in terms of strength, bravery or military brilliance'. The Soviet Union suffered the loss of 24 million military and civilian lives during the conflict, 50 times America's death toll. Meanwhile Putin has turned that history into a grotesque propaganda tool utilised to justify aggression in Eastern Europe, repeatedly making baseless 'neo-Nazi' claims to rationalise his illegal landgrab. Where there isn't outright misrepresentation, there is censorship. So the gravestone honouring Guy Gibson's dog is replaced to avoid 'giving prominence to an offensive term'. The RAF Bomber Command is vilified, because soft liberals today naively believe large-scale conflicts can be fought without a single civilian casualty. As George Orwell wrote, 'those who 'abjure' violence can only do so because others are committing violence on their behalf'. But those 'others' are shrinking in number. Around 20 per cent more people are leaving the Armed Forces than joining each year. Yet we care more about diversity in recruitment than getting our military back to strength. The only response to a shortage of ethnic minorities is to penalise white applicants rather than thinking outside of the box. The consequences are plain to see. The Air Force – the very same which unlawfully discriminated against white men – is now facing a pilot shortage. A serving Marine recently warned that standards were being lowered for female trainees. Aggressive diversity schemes, more committed to social engineering and righting previous 'injustices' than keeping the country safe, are alienating the core group which is likely to join the military – white males. Why serve, when patriotism is a dirty word, when others are given special treatment because of their race or gender? Why serve when Kipling's famous words ''For it's Tommy this, an' Tommy that, an' 'Chuck him out the brute!' / But it's 'Saviour of 'is country' when the guns begin to shoot' ring truer than ever? The Telegraph this week reported that Britain is secretly preparing for a direct military attack by Russia amid fears that it is not ready for war. But the issue of readiness is not purely practical. Over 20 per cent of young people apparently now have a mental health issue – a figure likely to rise inexorably given the incentives provided by our welfare state. Ipsos polling yesterday revealed just 42 per cent of 18-34 year olds would be willing to fight for their country. It's hard to see how the relentless shaming of our national story will help restore our psychological readiness for war. Wouldn't it be better to teach our young people about Britain's greatness? Of the achievements of white men of the past? How many young people know that Britain invented democracy, many sports, trains, jet engines, the telephone, the internet, the global lingua franca? Our economic, cultural and military triumphs? Speaking to Prince George on Monday, D-Day veteran Alfred Littlefield said: 'It's very important you are here today. It's days like this that we should use to talk about things like this, so the younger generation can have some understanding.' The passing of those who lived through the war, and of those who knew people who lived through the war will be significant. Once they have gone, it will be down to future generations to uphold pride in our history. Without it, we won't stand a chance against China or Russia. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.


Telegraph
17-04-2025
- Politics
- Telegraph
Fury as ‘woke' Colston plaque condemns his ‘prominent role in slavery'
A new plaque on the empty plinth of Edward Colston's statue in Bristol condemns his 'prominent role in the enslavement of African people'. The plaque, installed on Wednesday evening, removes any mention of Colston as a 'benefactor' to the city. Instead, it emphasises his 'prominent role in the enslavement of African people', adding that the statue is now in 'the collections of Bristol City Council's museums'. It comes five years after the statue was toppled and dumped into the River Avon by Black Lives Matter protesters following the murder of George Floyd during the Covid lockdown. The plaque provoked criticism from Arron Banks, the Reform UK candidate for West of England, who branded it 'woke nonsense'. 'Colston was a complex character of his time, he made money from slavery and then donated nearly all of it back to good causes,' he told The Telegraph. 'He was a man of his time. The British were the first proper country to declare slavery illegal and enforce it worldwide with the British Navy. 'The Black Lives Matters idiots choose to celebrate the life of a criminal who held up pregnant women in the street as their hero. Their movement was exposed when their leaders pocketed the cash for themselves. 'As Mayor I'll pull the statue out of the river and put it back up. I'll then write to the cowardly governors at Colston Grammar and request they reinstate the name. We shouldn't be rewriting British or Bristol history for anyone. 'This woke nonsense has to end.' The new plaque reads: 'On 13 November, 1895, a statue of Edward Colston (1636-1721) was unveiled here. 'In the late twentieth and early twenty-first century, the celebration of Colston was increasingly challenged given his prominent role in the enslavement of African people. 'On 7 June 2020, the statue was pulled down during Black Lives Matter protests and rolled into the Floating Harbour. 'Following consultation with the city in 2021, the statue entered the collections of Bristol City Council's museums.' It sits below an original plaque from 130 years ago which describes Mr Colston as 'one of the most virtuous and wise sons of the city' and was agreed after several re-writes, drafts and arguments at City Hall between councillors. In November, Conservative city councillor Richard Eddy voted against the revision, calling it 'utterly shameful'. He said at the time: 'Deleting the reference to Edward Colston, one of Bristol's greatest sons, being a benefactor is outrageous – an utterly historical revision that is worthy of the Nazis.' At a meeting last year, Cllr Eddy described the people who pulled down the statue in 2020 as a 'mob of criminals and hooligans' for 'vandalising' a listed monument. The 'Colston Four', as they came to be known, openly admitted their involvement in removing the statue, insisting that they had committed no crime. They argued that their actions had been justified because the statue was a hate crime to the people of Bristol because of Colston's links to the slave trade. A lengthy police investigation eventually led to nine people being interviewed, five of whom were offered conditional discharges, while four were charged with criminal damage. The idea for another plaque to be attached to the plinth was never dropped, even after the statue was toppled in 2020, and was brought back to the council in 2023 and into 2024 by the then Labour administration, before councillors finally voted to approve it last November. The wording of the plaque was finally agreed after work by the Bristol Legacy Foundation, but councillors made changes and objected to it at several meetings in 2023 and 2024. It is the fourth plaque to be created for the plinth: one was fitted unofficially in the 2010s as part of protests against the celebration of Colston, while another was created but never installed due to the watering down of its wording.
Yahoo
17-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Fury as ‘woke' Colston plaque condemns his ‘prominent role in slavery'
A new plaque on the empty plinth of Edward Colston's statue in Bristol condemns his 'prominent role in the enslavement of African people'. The plaque, installed on Wednesday evening, removes any mention of Colston as a 'benefactor' to the city. Instead, it emphasises his 'prominent role in the enslavement of African people', adding that the statue is now in 'the collections of Bristol City Council's museums'. It comes five years after the statue was toppled and dumped into the River Avon by Black Lives Matter protesters following the murder of George Floyd during the Covid lockdown. The plaque provoked criticism from Arron Banks, the Reform UK candidate for West of England, who branded it 'woke nonsense'. 'Colston was a complex character of his time, he made money from slavery and then donated nearly all of it back to good causes,' he told the Telegraph. 'He was a man of his time. The British were the first proper country to declare slavery illegal and enforce it world wide with the British Navy. 'The black live matters idiots choose to celebrate the life of a criminal who held up pregnant women in the street as their hero. Their movement was exposed when their leaders pocketed the cash for themselves. 'As Mayor I'll pull the statue out of the river and put it back up. I'll then write to the cowardly governors Colston grammar and request they reinstate the name. We shouldn't be rewriting British or Bristol history for anyone. 'This woke nonsense has to end.' The new plaque reads: 'On 13 November, 1895, a statue of Edward Colston (1636-1721) was unveiled here. 'In the late twentieth and early twenty-first century, the celebration of Colston was increasingly challenged given his prominent role in the enslavement of African people. 'On 7 June 2020, the statue was pulled down during Black Lives Matter protests and rolled into the Floating Harbour. 'Following consultation with the city in 2021, the statue entered the collections of Bristol City Council 's museums.' It sits below an original plaque from 130 years ago which describes Mr Colston as 'one of the most virtuous and wise sons of the city' and was agreed after several re-writes, drafts and arguments at City Hall between councillors. In November, Conservative city councillor Richard Eddy voted against the revision, calling it 'utterly shameful'. He said at the time: 'Deleting the reference to Edward Colston, one of Bristol's greatest sons, being a benefactor is outrageous – an utterly historical revision that is worthy of the Nazis.' At a meeting last year, Cllr Eddy described the people who pulled down the statue in 2020 as a 'mob of criminals and hooligans' for 'vandalising' a listed monument. The 'Colston Four', as they came to be known, openly admitted their involvement in removing the statue, insisting that they had committed no crime. They argued that their actions had been justified because the statue was a hate crime to the people of Bristol because of Colston's links to the slave trade. A lengthy police investigation eventually led to nine people being interviewed, five of whom were offered conditional discharges, while four were charged with criminal damage. The idea for another plaque to be attached to the plinth was never dropped, even after the statue was toppled in 2020, and was brought back to the council in 2023 and into 2024 by the then Labour administration, before councillors finally voted to approve it last November. The wording of the plaque was finally agreed after work by the Bristol Legacy Foundation, but councillors made changes and objected to it at several meetings in 2023 and 2024. It is the fourth plaque to be created for the plinth: one was fitted unofficially in the 2010s as part of protests against the celebration of Colston, while another was created but never installed due to the watering down of its wording. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.