Latest news with #Eisenhower-era
Winnipeg Free Press
25-04-2025
- Entertainment
- Winnipeg Free Press
Seductive visuals
Beautiful but strangely static, On Swift Horses is a queer melodrama that looks back to Eisenhower-era America, following the closeted lives of several intersecting characters. Awash in atmosphere and packed with minty mid-century detail, this is a self-consciously stylish film. Unfortunately, by emphasizing gorgeous surface over dramatic substance, director Daniel Minahan risks turning a tragedy of silence, isolation and repressed desire into an oddly airless period piece. Adapted by Bryce Kass (Lizzie) from the 2019 novel by Shannon Pufahl, the story begins in rural Kansas, where Muriel (Twisters' Daisy Edgar-Jones) and Lee (Will Poulter from Death of a Unicorn) are welcoming home Lee's wayward brother Julius (Priscilla's Jacob Elordi). Sony Pictures Classics From left: Will Poulter, Daisy Edgar-Jones and Jacob Elordi in a scene from On Swift Horses. Muriel has just given a somewhat subdued acceptance to Lee's latest marriage proposal, but she's obviously drawn to Julius. Even after Julius lights out for Las Vegas and the newlywed couple pack up for California, Muriel and Julius continue to share an indefinable bond. This might have something to do with Julius's restless resistance to what he calls society's 'supposed-tos.' There's also Lee's oblique warning to Muriel that Julius is 'not like us.' On the Vegas Strip, Julius ends up making some risky gambits as a crooked card player, petty thief and occasional hustler — at least until he starts up a passionate affair with Henry (Diego Calva of Narcos), which starts with them watching a nearby atomic bomb test and then gets even more explosive. (There have been recent reports that Hollywood sex scenes have declined by 40 per cent. Minahan seems to be doing his level-best to get those numbers back up.) In the other storyline, solid, decent Lee just wants a house and a family, which dovetails nicely with postwar California's promise of the American Dream. But Muriel is quietly kicking against the safety and security of this life, first with a tentative flirtation with neighbour Sandra (Sasha Calle of The Flash) and then with a secretive obsession with racetrack betting. The film clearly uses gambling as a metaphor for queer life in the 1950s. As one character suggests, whether you can keep dodging arrest, exposure and disaster is really just the luck of the draw. This is, after all, a world where a darkened gay bar has an alarm that goes off when the cops come by; where surreptitious encounters are arranged through sultry cigarette lighting and coded messages on matchbook covers; where gay women gathering at a friend's house pretend to be a book club when someone unfamiliar comes to the door. During Elections Get campaign news, insight, analysis and commentary delivered to your inbox during Canada's 2025 election. Minahan, who's worked mostly on such prestige TV series as House of Cards and Fellow Travelers, evokes the characters' paralleled lives with seductive visuals, aided by Canadian cinematographer Luc Montpellier (Women Talking). Julius and Henry's world of Vegas casinos, down-market motels and dingy back-alleys at first seems to contrast starkly with Muriel and Lee's brand-new ranch-house in the just-built suburban tracts of San Diego, but these two worlds will eventually collide and there will be plenty of pain to go around. Sony Pictures Classics On Swift Horses stars Will Poulter (left) and Daisy Edgar-Jones. Unfortunately, On Swift Horses struggles to convey this emotional fallout. There are fine individual scenes here and some good performances. Elordi's indolent handsomeness plays well with Calva's electric energy in Julius and Henry's sequences. Edgar-Jones has her moments as a woman who is struggling to name her own desires and Poulter, playing the story's (literal) straight man, gets one lovely, indelible monologue. But with its stalled-out pacing and disconnected narrative, the film can't bring these parts together. And the final sequence, in which the 'horse' part of the title suddenly gets weirdly literal, doesn't help. fparts@ Alison GillmorWriter Studying at the University of Winnipeg and later Toronto's York University, Alison Gillmor planned to become an art historian. She ended up catching the journalism bug when she started as visual arts reviewer at the Winnipeg Free Press in 1992. Read full biography Our newsroom depends on a growing audience of readers to power our journalism. If you are not a paid reader, please consider becoming a subscriber. Our newsroom depends on its audience of readers to power our journalism. Thank you for your support.
Yahoo
24-03-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Ohio House committee tees up its own energy plan after Senate approves overhaul
Electrical pylons. Photo from Getty Images. Last week the Ohio Senate approved a wide-ranging energy measure and House lawmakers aren't far behind them. Following the Senate vote, House Energy committee chair, Rep. Adam Holmes, R-Nashport, laid out his timeline. 'We want to vote out Wednesday morning,' he told the committee, 'Next Wednesday morning, and have it on the (House) floor next Wednesday — that's our goal.' Broadly speaking, both proposals do the same thing. SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX Pole-and-wire utilities, think AEP, FirstEnergry or Duke, are barred from the power generation market, and there are tax incentives ready for the companies who build new power plants in Ohio. The House and Senate both get rid of the programs energy giants have used to avoid opening their books to regulators, but they agreed to allow utilities to set rates on a three-year basis. Both measures also put an end to subsidies for two Eisenhower-era coal plants operated by the Ohio Valley Electric Corporation. Ohioans have already spent close to half a billion dollars on their monthly energy bills to prop up the aging OVEC plants. The bailout was part of House Bill 6, the 2019 measure at the center of the largest bribery scheme in Ohio's history. Still, there are notable differences between House Bill 15 and Senate Bill 2, which lawmakers will have to hash out on the floor or in conference committee. House lawmakers include a community energy pilot that could defray participants' monthly bills and greater oversight for utilities' transmission projects. One factor that could simplify compromise is the vast array of stakeholders lined up behind the proposals. The state's consumer watch dog and environmental groups are both on board. So are several coalitions representing industrial power users as well as a laundry list of companies who want build new power plants. Ohio Senate unanimously approves energy and utility overhaul Perhaps the biggest point of separation shows up in a pair of ancillary programs that made their way into the bills. On the Senate side, after dismantling the OVEC subsidies, lawmakers were left scratching their heads over what to do about a much smaller pool of money. When lawmakers passed House Bill 6, they included a fund for future solar projects as a kind of fig leaf. The fund brought in more than $60 million but paid out very little of that total. Sen. Bill DeMora, D-Columbus, proposed using the remainder to fund loans for schools that want to invest in rooftop solar. The House bill doesn't address that solar generation fund, but it does propose a program that could shake up how small communities get power. Lawmakers envision a community energy pilot program — something like crowd funding a neighborhood solar array rather than every household getting solar on its roof. But the range of viable fuel sources extends beyond solar, including wind, natural gas, biomass, hydroelectric, and fuel cells. Those facilities have to be small (10 megawatts), but the legislation directs regulators approve a lot of them (1,000 megawatts over five years). 'The key element of community energy projects is that we avoid costly transmission infrastructure,' David Murray of TurningPoint Energy explained. The company develops community solar projects around the country with 60 megawatts already up and running and 10 times that in the pipeline. 'We do not need to rely on the regional electricity grid,' he argued. 'We, as a developer, we will pay for the cost of interconnecting our projects to the distribution grid, which deliver benefits to all utility customers and enhance grid resiliency as well.' What that means for the average customer subscribing to a community power program is a rebate on their monthly bill. 'Typically, we see bill savings of around 10 to 20% for customers,' Murray explained. And although, he insisted the systems' costs won't impact utility customers who don't subscribe, the Ohio Consumers' Counsel, Maureen Willis, isn't so sure. 'While we support renewable energy,' Willis argued, 'we continue to advocate for its development in the competitive market without subsidies from utility consumers. Subsidies for the community solar (program) may be unintended but are likely to occur under the bill as written.' In her testimony against a similar measure last General Assembly, Willis argued utilities would likely engage in cost-shifting — finding ways to make up the revenue lost from program participants by increasing charges elsewhere. Chair Holmes acknowledged those concerns but downplayed the risks. 'We don't like subsidies,' he said. 'So we don't want anyone subsidizing. That was a driver behind eliminating the OVEC and the solar subsidies, and so we're looking at this, and also for members, this is a pilot program, so it's a five-year program.' The House bill also departs from the Senate version by including changes to the which utility projects qualify as 'major,' and thus get heightened regulatory scrutiny. 'The added review should provide consumers some protection against 'gold-plating' transmission investment and charging utility consumers for that,' Willis argued. The investments, known as supplemental transmission projects, offer a kind of backdoor for charging customers, she argued. So long as the utility is cleared to proceed with the project, they get to bill their customers for it. Projects get reviewed by the 13-state regional transmission organization PJM, but only on the basis of 'do no harm.' 'That's not a protective standard for Ohio consumers,' Willis insisted. 'It doesn't consider costs, and it doesn't consider alternatives.' 'In 2023, she added, 'the Ohio tab for the supplemental projects was $1.38 billion.' David Proaño, a lobbyist for the Ohio Energy Leadership Council, dug a bit deeper, with a report from PJM detailing supplemental projects. 'Just look at the AEP column,' he told lawmakers. In 2012 the company had just five projects, he explained. Eight years on that number had jumped to 132. Proaño put that explosion in projects down to utilities' guaranteed rate of return — if their investments increase so does their revenue. 'This is what's driving this transmission boom,' he argued. And when utilities don't have to competitively bid their projects or justify their cost effectiveness and necessity, it's easy to inflate project costs. '(PJM) trust(s) these transmission companies to build it, because we'll trust that you're doing whatever you need to do to keep things reliable,' Proaño said. And the number of AEP's supplemental projects didn't stop growing in 2020 — since then the it's almost tripled. 'In 2024 they had 354 — 354,' Proaño said, 'can you imagine?' Chair Holmes took a moment after Proaño was done to insist, 'we're not accusing anybody of anything, but clearly, we don't know. And those numbers don't have to be challenged right now, so we got to fix that.' To provide greater oversight, HB 15 lowers the threshold for review on transmission lines based on their capacity and length. The changes mean 69kV power poles — one step up from what you might expect for neighborhood distribution — and replacement of any lines longer than a mile will now get state level review. Follow Ohio Capital Journal Reporter Nick Evans on X or on Bluesky. SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
Yahoo
10-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Some Nebraska Republicans join national quest to infuse more religion into schools
The top of the Nebraska statehouse and a church cross in the Lincoln skyline on Mar. 5, 2025. (Juan Salinas II/Nebraska Examiner) LINCOLN – Across the street from the Nebraska State Capitol, a monument to the Ten Commandments stands on the sidewalk outside of St. Mary Catholic Church. Although it's not on Capitol grounds, as in some states, religion still similarly influences the statehouse. This year, three Nebraska lawmakers have bills that could infuse more religion into public schools and test the legal limits of the separation of church and state. While the bills might not pass during this legislative session, they reflect a push by Republican state lawmakers nationwide, emboldened by President Donald Trump's second term and recent U.S. Supreme Court decisions that appear to have altered the legal landscape for religion in education. The Nebraska proposals include requiring the Ten Commandments and 'In God We Trust' to be displayed in public schools, allowing students to leave during the school day to receive religious instruction and letting schools hire unlicensed religious chaplains to counsel students. The lawmakers who filed the bills say they aim to restore morality and character among Nebraska students, saying that they believe the nation needs help. 'We have somewhat lost our way on values,' State Sen. Glen Meyer of Pender said during a hearing on his bill requiring schools to display the Eisenhower-era national motto about God and trust, Legislative Bill 122. University of Nebraska-Lincoln Religious Studies Professor Max Mueller said the bills seem to be steps towards re-establishing a Christian dominance in public schools. 'States are the laboratories of democracy,' he said. State Sen. Dave Murman of Glenvil, during the hearing on his Ten Commandments bill, said LB 691 isn't designed to 'force any religion on our students, but instead to expose our students to the very historical wisdom that inspired our founders.' He alluded to a U.S. Supreme Court ruling in 2019 that allows the Ten Commandments to be displayed publicly because of historical significance. 'Under that context, perhaps it would be good for our courts to reexamine the topic,' Murman said during the bill's hearing in the Education Committee last month. The Cornhusker State is one of 15 states nationally where lawmakers introduced legislation this year requiring the Ten Commandments to be displayed in public school classrooms. The Nebraska bill is modeled after a recent Louisiana law, which went into effect this year. It's currently blocked in five K-12 school districts because of litigation challenging its constitutionality. Louisiana became the first state to add such a requirement in four decades since the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 1980 that Kentucky's law requiring the display of the Ten Commandments in public schools was unconstitutional. Nebraska Attorney General Mike Hilgers joined a handful of other state AGs in a brief defending the Louisiana Ten Commandments law in federal court. Proposed religious-related school laws LB 691, by State Sen. Dave Murman of Glenvil, requires displaying the Ten Commandments in every Nebraska elementary school classroom and in every middle or high school building. LB 122, by State Sen. Glen Meyer of Pender, requires display of the state and national motto, 'In God We Trust,' in prominent areas in schools. LB 549, by State Sen. Loren Lippincott of Central City, allows school districts to employ unlicensed religious chaplains to counsel students. LB 550, by Lippincott, requires school districts to adopt a policy that excuses students from school to attend religious instruction during the school day. David Barton, a Texas-based evangelical activist who has spent four decades advocating that church-state separation is a 'myth, ' testified in favor of the Ten Commandments bill in Nebraska late last month. Barton also pointed to the shift in the nation's highest court, saying the 'hostility is gone.' In 2022, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in favor of a Washington state public school football coach who prayed with his team on the 50-yard line. Many on the religious right see that case as an opening that signals the legal landscape is more favorable to religious-themed laws. The opinion signals that the court is moving away from the 'Lemon Test' to determine whether the government allows religion in public spaces. The test consists of three parts: The government's primary purpose must be secular. The government's actions must not promote or inhibit religion. And the government's actions must not create excessive entanglement with religion. ACLU Nebraska testified against the Nebraska proposal, arguing that Nebraska's Ten Commandments bill is 'blatantly unconstitutional' and that the Louisiana law it's modeled after 'violates the establishment and free exercise clauses of the First Amendment.' 'If LB 691 is enacted, it will announce that the state has a favored brand of Christianity and marginalize those who do not subscribe to it,' said Dylan Severino, ACLU Nebraska's Policy Counsel. Severino added that Nebraska schools serve students of all faiths and those with none, and their families should feel welcome in their schools. Tim Royers, The President of the Nebraska State Education Association, the state teachers' union, told the Examiner that public schools can 'promote religious liberty and religious literacy as two fundamental competencies for citizenship' but must work within the framework provided by the First Amendment's Establishment Clause. 'Finding common ground regarding religion is a centuries-old issue in America,' Royer said. 'And the battleground shouldn't be in our public schools.' Mueller, the UNL religious studies professor, said the culture war fight over the Ten Commandments in classrooms is a 'very American fight' and isn't new, but that the 'super Catholic majority' on the U.S. Supreme Court makes some on the religious right eager to face lawsuits because they feel the court is now on their side. The Supreme Court now has a 6-3 conservative majority, with three members appointed during the first Trump administration. At the end of the hearing on his Ten Commandments bill, Murman echoed Barton's view on the U.S. Constitution's Establishment Clause, which prevents the government from creating a state religion. Murman argued that too many people have misunderstood the Founding Fathers' 'wall of separation.' 'That document was Jefferson's letter to the Danbury Baptist … was to keep government out of religion, instead of religion out of government,' he said. 'In other words, there shouldn't be an established religion by the government, but the Founding Fathers definitely supported it, and the historical record shows that religion and the Ten Commandments are a big part of the history of the United States.' Many historians and scholars have sneered at or debunked Barton's interpretation. But it still has significant influence in conservative circles. Mueller said that while it's true that 'the wall' isn't directly in the Constitution, some lawmakers' arguments lack context. Thomas Jefferson's interpretation was before the Supreme Court became the arbiter of the Constitution, Mueller said. While 'originalists' like former Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia and current Justice Clarence Thomas claim they're returning to the Constitution's original language, it's still an interpretation. 'Like all documents, whether it's the Bible, the Declaration of Independence [or] the Constitution, we have the text itself,' Mueller said. 'And then we have histories of interpretation.' State Sen. Loren Lippincott of Central City is behind the proposed law allowing students to be excused for religious instruction and coursework, LB 550. He says the bill would 'empower parents by giving them a stronger voice in their children's education.' 'We aim to support families who seek religious education with their children while strengthening character education in our public schools, fostering a well-rounded and inclusive learning environment for every student,' Lippincott said. He proposed a similar bill during the last legislative session, but it was indefinitely postponed, essentially stalled for the year. Lippincott said the difference with his bill this year is that it would cost school districts nothing and that all religious studies would be conducted off school grounds. Meyer, during his hearing for LB 122, the 'In God We Trust' bill, said, 'What I'm trying to accomplish is to have a real first step to realizing what we stand for in this country.' Mueller said simply displaying the Ten Commandments or the trust motto in classrooms and schools wouldn't lead to more productive classrooms and students. 'If they feel so inclined to place something, a statement of values in the classroom, I would encourage, why not the Bill of Rights?' Mueller asked. Lippincott said he filed his other bill, allowing schools to employ chaplains in a role similar to counselors, to support children in schools. The proposed law's language states hiring a chaplain is not an endorsement of a specific religion by the school. During previous attempts to pass similar legislation, he said it would help Nebraska schools facing staff shortages, while some opponents said it was another way to insert religion into public schools. One state that has already taken some of the steps Nebraska's GOP-dominated, officially nonpartisan Legislature has been considering is Texas. The Lone Star State recently passed legislation that allows chaplains and requires 'In God We Trust' signs in schools. Some Texas Republicans have called their 2025 legislative session a 'spiritual war.' The Nebraska Republican Party platform and constitution don't specifically mention the Ten Commandments. The state GOP's legislative plan for this session mentions God, but only referring to 'God-given talent,' 'God-given rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,' and calling for an end to 'the legal ability for [Nebraska Natural Resource Districts] to try and play 'God' and attempt to modify the weather.' Nebraska GOP Chairman Eric Underwood said that while the religion in schools bills are not explicitly referenced in the state party's 2025 plan, he pointed to Article I of the party constitution, which mentions 'the furtherance of our Principles.' 'Which could be defined as our faith-based principles and included through our education systems,' Underwood said. The education section of the GOP platform also says, 'We believe moral training based on principles established by God, under whom we profess to be a nation, should be returned to its proper and traditional place in the public schools.' It also says, 'Mindful of our religious diversity, we reaffirm our commitment to the freedoms of religion and speech guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States. We firmly support the rights of all citizens to openly practice the same, including the rights of individuals to engage in voluntary prayer in schools or in any other public institution.' Underwood added that the party supports the Meyer bill requiring 'In God We Trust' in schools. Gov. Jim Pillen has said in the past that Catholics and Christians should 'have more courage' to stand up for Christian values in the state. Nebraska Democratic Party Chair Jane Kleeb said, 'Our country was founded on a separation of church and state, [and] the Democratic Party believes in that fundamental principle.' The Education Committee could decide the fate of each bill this week. Mueller said that when it comes to religion in government, America is a paradox. 'America was founded as a Christian nation, as a Protestant Christian nation that favors Protestant Christians,' Mueller said. 'At the same time, America is an experiment … can we all participate equally in democratic institutions and society at large?' SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE CONTACT US
Yahoo
11-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Trump's deportation numbers: A comparison to past US presidents
NEW YORK (PIX11) — During the first days of his second term in the White House, President Donald Trump issued multiple executive orders on immigration. However, the Trump administration has yet to scratch the surface with immigration arrests and deportations. 'On Day 1, I will launch the largest deportation program in American history,' Trump had promised during a campaign rally last year at Madison Square Garden in New York City. More Local News Since Trump took office, ICE has conducted immigration enforcement raids in New York City and the surrounding areas, much to the concern of local officials and immigration advocates. The tri-state area is home to over 1 million undocumented individuals, with New York City making up nearly half of that population, according to the Mayor's Office of Immigrant Affairs. Trump's immigration efforts echo the most extensive deportation effort in American history, an Eisenhower-era campaign in 1954, reported. More than 1 million people were apprehended during the Eisenhower-era immigration raids, according to the National Association of Social Workers (NASW). 'Though short-lived, the operation used military-style tactics to remove people of Mexican descent—some of them American citizens—from the United States,' the NASW wrote. Trump has praised the Eisenhower-era raids without directly using the name. He promised voters he would begin the largest domestic deportation operation in American history, exceeding the 1950s. Data from the Cato Institute, a libertarian and nonpartisan think tank, suggests that Trump still has far to go to uphold his promise of the largest deportation in American history. Under President Joe Biden, 545,252 undocumented people were removed from the United States for the fiscal years 2021- 2024, according to ICE Enforcement and Removal Operation Statistics. During Trump's first term, there were 975,694 removals from 2017 through the end of 2019, according to DHS data. The agency did not provide removal numbers for 2020. The table below shows the number of removals by other past U.S. presidents, according to the Department of Homeland Security and Cato Institute. DHS defines 'removal' as the process of formally deporting an individual from the United States. President Removals Political Party Barack Obama 3,066,457 Democrat George W. Bush 2,012,539 Republican Bill Clinton 869,646 Democrat Donald J. Trump 551,449 Republican Franklin D. Roosevelt 171,939 Democrat Ronald Reagan 168,364 Republican Calvin Coolidge 164,913 Republican Woodrow Wilson 162,371 Democrat George Bush 141,326 Republican Harry S. Truman 140,553 Democrat Herbert Hoover 110,275 Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower 110,019 Republican Jimmy Carter 105,378 Democrat William H. Taft 83,150 Republican Gerald R. Ford 82,316 Republican Richard M. Nixon 81,022 Republican Theodore Roosevelt 76,390 Republican Warren G. Harding 60,652 Republican Lyndon B. Johnson 48,737 Democrat John F. Kennedy 23,969 Democrat William McKinley 17,642 Republican Grover Cleveland 9,069 Democrat Benjamin Harrison 2,801 Republican This story comprises reporting from The Associated Press. Matthew Euzarraga is a multimedia journalist from El Paso, Texas. He has covered local news and LGBTQIA topics in the New York City Metro area since 2021. He joined the PIX11 Digital team in 2023. You can see more of his work here. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Yahoo
29-01-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
On mass deportation, if past is prologue … Do we know our history?
(Photo taken June 9, 1954; public domain, U.S. Border Patrol Museum.) A top aide to President-elect Trump, Stephen Miller, says the new Trump Administration will launch mass deportations immediately, at 'light speed.' As a candidate, Donald Trump pitched mass deportation a much-needed redo of a post-World War II roundup authorized by President Eisenhower. In other words, if popular nice-guy Eisenhower invoked mass deportation, then there is solid precedent to repeat the tactic. After World War II, low wages in parts of the country combined with support for jobs for returning soldiers helped fuel political opposition to Mexican migrants. The Eisenhower Administration launched a mass deportation in June of 1954; the government claimed it sent a million-plus people of Mexican decent to Mexico. The Eisenhower-era mass deportation was called — including by the press — Operation Wetback. Tens of thousands were put on buses, boats, and planes and sent to often-unfamiliar parts of Mexico. Since then, the derogatory term wetback has faded from use, regarded as a racist slur. As America prepares for another potential mass deportation, many learned citizens have little or no recollection of Operation Wetback. This gap in understanding our past is plausible because our history books omit Operation Wetback or offer skimpy, incomplete explanations. I researched (with colleague Dr. Roger Aden at Ohio University) nine widely used high school history books. Five of these textbooks do not mention the 1954 mass deportation. Three textbooks offered a single sentence about the action, with two of them describing it as 'a massive roundup of illegal immigrants' that would 'deport the illegals,' language that is inaccurate and indicates a distinct political perspective. A fourth textbook published a marginally more balanced paragraph that described Operation Wetback as a roundup to deport undocumented aliens. Doris Meissner, commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service (1993-2000), has stated that Operation Wetback 'was lawless; it was arbitrary; it was based on a lot of xenophobia, and it resulted in sizable large-scale violations of people's rights, including the forced deportation of U.S. citizens.' None of the textbooks we reviewed included Meissner's statement. We as a people are better served by a complete telling of our history, even if the narrative is uncomfortable. History textbooks are a prime source that should provide authoritative accounts shared nationally among emerging adults. History textbooks should equip students (future voters) with a thorough, complete understanding of our past rather than selective content that erases or minimizes unjust government actions. As the new Trump Administration implements its immigration plan, citing a 1950s-era mass deportation, we should have clear-eyed knowledge of our past. (James P. Kelly, PhD, is an adjunct professor at Ohio University's School of Communication Studies)
