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Daily Maverick
6 days ago
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
Electoral reforms stall in Tanzania as ruling party's grip tightens before critical elections.
As the country slides towards electoral authoritarianism, even Southern African Development Community and East African Community election observers have been excluded from the polls. Tanzania is approaching its October 2025 general elections with uncertainty. The main opposition party Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema) has been disqualified from running, and the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) is manoeuvring to claim its seventh consecutive term. Chadema chairperson Tundu Lissu is in custody on treason charges due to his party's demands for electoral reforms. The 'no reforms, no elections' campaign has been interpreted by the courts as an attempt to disrupt the polls. Lissu has also been charged with incitement and publishing false information. The treason charges are non-bailable and carry the death penalty. Tanzania has had six elections since multiparty democracy was introduced in 1995. The CCM has won them all, making it one of Africa's longest-ruling independent parties. Much of this electoral dominance has resulted from exclusion, censorship, electoral fraud and violence against the opposition. Tanzania is sliding into electoral authoritarianism — a system where polls are held, but within a manipulated process where the ruling party retains power through state control, patronage, violence, intimidation and the manipulation of electoral systems. Since 2016, Freedom House has categorised Tanzania as 'Partly Free', because its defective or flawed electoral democracy lacked robust civil liberties and political rights. In 2025, the country moved to the 'Not Free' category, signalling an authoritarian turn as political freedoms and rights declined. The ruling party's vote share shrank to its lowest point ever in 2015 when John Magufuli was elected (see table), with the opposition gaining in both the presidential and parliamentary polls. When dominant political parties are threatened, they often resort to suppression and control to remain in power. Under Magufuli, crackdowns on civil society and independent media increased, and laws were weaponised to silence dissent, such as the passing of the Cybercrimes Act and the Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations. Other authoritarian tactics included the co-opting of prominent opposition figures and the fusion of state and party, blurring the divide between public service and party loyalty. In the 2020 general elections, Magufuli won the presidency by 84.4%, with CCM clinching 261 of the 264 parliamentary seats (98.7% of the vote). In Zanzibar, Tanzania's semi-autonomous state, CCM won 76.6% of the presidential ballots. That was followed by a landslide 99.3% victory in the November 2024 local government elections. Like other liberation and independence parties in southern Africa, such as in South Africa, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Namibia and Angola, CCM has benefitted from the legacy of state-building. Institutional structures established by these long-serving ruling parties have supported patronage and clientelist networks, entrenching one-party dominance. Although their trajectories are changing, the prospects for fair and credible elections in Tanzania, as in Mozambique and Zimbabwe's last polls, remain bleak. Tanzania's President Samia Suluhu Hassan, who succeeded Magufuli in 2021, reversed many retrograde policies to try to bring about reforms. Through her reconciliation, resilience, reforms and rebuilding (4R) philosophy, she initiated dialogues with the opposition and other stakeholders to reform the electoral architecture. Three bills governing the electoral process were subsequently enacted in 2024, but they failed to reflect the desired electoral reforms. Although the Independent National Electoral Commission Act (2024) established a new commission, it retained the president's power to appoint commission members. This became the basis for the opposition's 'no reforms, no election' agenda. Magufuli's legacy lingers in the CCM, exposing factions and divided loyalties. Samia initially tried to tame party hardliners but has gradually brought them back. As elections approach, internal rifts continue to simmer. State involvement in abductions One emerging faction contends that Samia bypassed the party's nomination procedures, calling into question her candidature for the October polls. Another has criticised alleged state involvement in abductions of government critics and state repression. Also, the nomination process for parliamentarians and ward councillors was momentarily suspended because of perceived bias and favouritism. Chadema's push for electoral reforms has been undermined by other opposition parties' apparent alignment with CCM's approach, making them seem like ruling party puppets. Increased repression has moved public discussions about the elections to digital spaces like X Spaces, Clubhouse and WhatsApp groups. When the state responded with restrictions on social media, citizens turned to virtual private networks to continue their social media engagement. Youth-led protests in neighbouring Kenya were mobilised using social media. To avoid this, Tanzania has pursued continued state censorship. Official election observer missions from regional bodies such as the East African Community (EAC), Southern African Development Community (SADC) and African Union (AU) could expose Tanzania's democratic decline. But although they regularly observe elections, these bodies often take non-confrontational and diplomatic approaches, rubber-stamping polls that are not 'free and fair'. The AU Commission deployed a pre‑election assessment mission to Tanzania in June to assess election preparations, especially the electoral commission, but hasn't yet publicised its report. In May, the European Parliament passed a resolution condemning Lissu's arrest and treason charges to try to pressure Tanzania to ensure fair elections. The government accused it of interfering in the country's internal affairs. The European Union and US could use aid and diplomacy to apply pressure, but economic and strategic interests limit their actions. Regional bodies like the East African Community and Southern African Development Community must call for free and fair elections in Tanzania, and accreditation for their election observers who have been excluded from the upcoming polls. In Tanzania's last general elections, major international observers were barred from monitoring proceedings. Domestic observers — and others who may get accreditation — should document election-related irregularities, as was done in Mozambique in 2024. As Institute for Security Studies researcher Borges Nhamirre notes, the observers were crucial in monitoring and documenting flaws in Mozambique. Although this did not make the election free or fair, it increased transparency and raised public awareness. The current electoral situation shows that Tanzania is sliding further into a de facto authoritarian system where voting is reduced to a procedural coronation ritual for the ruling party. Electoral reforms are urgently needed. DM
Business Insider
21-05-2025
- Politics
- Business Insider
Tanzania shuts down access to X again, marking second blockade in under a year
Social media users in Tanzania may have faced restricted access to the X platform (formerly known as Twitter) following the administration's decision to shut down the service. The Tanzanian government reportedly restricted access to the X platform (formerly Twitter), raising concerns about digital freedoms. NetBlocks confirmed the disruption on May 20, 2024, indicating service providers nationwide blocked the platform. Critics highlight increasing digital censorship in Tanzania, evidenced by its tightening regulations since 2017. This marks the second time in less than a year that Tanzania has blocked access to the platform, raising ongoing concerns about digital freedoms in the country. The internet observatory group NetBlocks confirmed the disruption on Tuesday, May 20, reporting that X had become inaccessible across major internet service providers in the country. " Confirmed: Live metrics show X (formerly Twitter) has become unreachable on major internet providers in Tanzania," the group said in a statement posted online. According to reports by the shutdown may have been triggered by a cybersecurity breach involving the official X account of the Tanzania Police Force (TANPOL). Suspected hackers allegedly infiltrated t he account and used it to spread false information about President Samia Suluhu Hassan. While the government has not publicly explained the decision, the move has once again raised serious concerns about digital censorship and the future of online freedoms in Tanzania. Human rights advocates and press freedom groups have increasingly criticized the country's tightening grip on digital platforms, warning that such actions undermine free expression and democratic accountability. Tanzania's long run with social media ban Tanzania has, over the years, steadily expanded its control over digital spaces by imposing various restrictions on social media usage and online expression. A key moment in Tanzania's tightening control over digital space came in 2017 with the passage of the Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations, later amended in 2020 to criminalise content deemed obscene, hateful, or disruptive. Ahead of the 2020 general election, the government blocked social media and messaging apps and restricted SMS use, further curbing online communication. During this period, platforms considered essential and accessible—such as Twitter (now X), WhatsApp, Facebook, and Instagram—were either blocked or restricted. In 2024, Tanzanian Internet Service Providers—including Airtel, Vodacom, Halotel, Tigo, and TTCL—blocked access to X (formerly Twitter), rendering the platform inaccessible nationwide and sparking renewed concerns over digital freedom. The move followed police claims that opposition party CHADEMA was using Zoom to coordinate protests involving small groups targeting offices and police stations. Earlier this month, the government intensified its enforcement of the 2017 online content law by shutting down over 80,000 websites, social media accounts, blogs, and other platforms. While authorities cited the protection of children's mental health, critics saw it as the country's largest and most troubling digital purge yet. This pattern reflects a broader continental trend. Internet shutdowns have become increasingly frequent across Africa. In 2023 alone, sub-Saharan Africa lost an estimated $1.74 billion due to government-induced internet disruptions. The region recorded 114 shutdowns across 23 countries in 2022, 50 in 21 countries in 2021, 93 in 21 countries in 2020, and 134 in 22 countries in 2019.
