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Express Tribune
7 days ago
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Is Pakistan really the worst place to be a woman?
The writer is an academic and researcher. He is also the author of Development, Poverty, and Power in Pakistan, available from Routledge Listen to article Pakistan has reached rock bottom on the Global Gender Gap Index. This year's index ranked 148 countries using a combination of economic, educational, health, and political empowerment indicators and it found Pakistan's overall score to be the worst. Since its launching at the World Economic Forum in 2006, the Gender Gap Index has become the longest-standing measure to track the progress of a large proportion of countries in closing gender gaps over time. Unfortunately, the situation in Pakistan has become worse with regard to gender disparity. After being ranked 142 in 2023, Pakistan's position declined last year, and again this year. In 2025, Bangladesh did the best in terms of striving to achieve gender parity within the South Asian region. It was ranked 24th on the index, despite the ongoing political turmoil in the country. India performed much for more dismally, despite its growing affluence, and was ranked 131st. Pakistan may not technically be the worst place to be a woman in the world, because many countries are excluded from this ranking due to data availability constraints. For example, Afghanistan is not listed on the Gender Gap Index, and it would have certainly been ranked below Pakistan, but that is hardly a cause for complacency. The status of women in Pakistan does vary considerably across class, regions, and across the rural and urban divide. Thus, not all women in the country are as disempowered as this gender related index suggests. Moreover, not everyone is a fan of oversimplified indices created by forums set up by entities representing the interests of the global elite. Conceptual critiques of the Gender Gap Index point out how this measure focuses on the gap between men and women, rather than absolute levels of well-being. A country with lower levels of education for both men and women can thus score better on such an index than a country with high overall education levels but a larger gender gap in education. In the case of Pakistan, however, while there is a modest rise in female literacy over time, less than 30% of females aged 15 and above are literate. Pakistan's performance in addressing gender gaps in healthcare remains pathetic too. While men face major difficulties availing quality healthcare, women's unmet healthcare needs are compounded by their lower status in society, due to early marriages, and because of unaddressed reproductive healthcare needs. Women in Pakistan are also subjected to alarming amounts of violence, which undermines their psychological health and sense of personal safety. Almost 90% of women have reported experiencing domestic violence in their lifetime, as per a 2020 estimate. Despite highlighting Pakistan's dismal record concerning these important issues, the Gender Gap Index unfortunately pays no heed to the invisible labour performed by women, including for childcare, or care for the elderly. The Gender Gap Index also does not take note of the hard work women put into the production of agricultural goods which provide vital raw materials for global supply chains. Only 23% or so of the workforce in the formal economy within Pakistan is comprised of women. But even in the formal sector, women earn 10-30% less than men for doing the same work. If women participated in the labor force at the same rate as men, and were remunerated equally, Pakistan's GDP could surge significantly. Yet, mobility restrictions, safety concerns, and other social constraints deter the increased economic participation of women. Despite earlier attempts to boost women's involvement in the political process, women continue to remain politically marginalised. Although women's parliamentary representation has risen slightly, women's ministerial representation has fallen to zero. Unless women are provided greater space in governance structures, their ability to create a more enabling environment for female economic participation and to ensure that more resources are allocated to female healthcare and educational needs will also remain constrained.
Express Tribune
05-08-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Unseeing warning signs: choosing fatal outcomes?
The writer is a chemical engineer with interest in Society, Politics & Economy. Contact him at: Listen to article Jinnah saw a macabre future for his founded refuge for some Muslims of India; not only has it come to pass, worse still lies ahead. No words can describe the suffering dumped on Pakistan not by outsiders but by choosing of her own people under the cover of messianic mantra "country is saved, better days ahead" — authors of past failures claiming to fix it. This noble idea began in 1948; undeterred by adverse outcomes, still the same creed of authors pretending this time problem will go away. There are no mere coincidences in this world. Predicting outcomes of choices is not rocket science; even in infants cause-and-effect reasoning emerges by age of 27 weeks (Leslie et al., 1987), yet complex forecasting demands deliberate analysis (Salcedo et al., 2008). Human actions, once created carve their own paths of consequences (intended or unintended), and can neither be recreated because past cannot be undone, nor can it be erased. Outcomes, however, can be immediate or delayed — always preceded by warning signs. If created reality is to be remedied, then it demands new actions that enact new outcomes. Thus, cycle continues until death ends our existence on this planet. At individual level, we can trace our decisions' trajectories and warning signs until consequences strike. At national level, stakes multiply exponentially. Legislation and policy choices demand debate, negotiation and compromise, with consequences lasting generations for country and its citizens. This parallel becomes profound as PakRaj nexus (British Loyalist Feudal-Military-Bureaucracy) unjustifiably captured Pakistan after Jinnah's death. Reality behind their smokescreen has been pushing country deeper into bund-gali, marked with decades of institutional and governance failures, incompetence, corruption and a very weak judiciary, unable to uphold constitution or safeguard rights. Our devastating story can be quantified through global rankings, and these brutal metrics are purposely and brazenly rejected – not in an exercise of logic but an aura of power. Socio-developmental indicators signal a crisis leaning towards collapse: Bottom-tier placement, in Knowledge, Development, Sustainable Goals and Gender Gap Index. Nearly half the population lives in poverty, and multidimensional poverty grips a third. Pakistan's global brand and passport outlook is pitiful. Ironically, our current mantra to prosperity via digital/IT sector, is through pitfalls, as we are labeled "weak performer" due to crippling gaps in education, innovation, ICT and research (Knowledge Index: 120/141). Huawei's Digitization Index (68/77) brands us a "starter". With education spending below 2% of GDP, this "better days ahead" story will crumble. Most alarming for Pakistan is the status evaluated by Fragile States Index (FSI). Since 2006, FSI has tracked stability using 12 indicators (1 = stable, 10 = unstable) across 4 dimensions. Our 2024 placement (27/179) reveals interlocking vulnerabilities: Cohesion Dimension: Security Apparatus 7.9: Precarious security, evident in daily terrorist attacks (Balochistan and KP). Factionalised Elites 9.3: Wealth concentrated in elite hands, citizens left impoverished. Group Grievance 9.0: Marginalised communities — Baloch, Saraiki, Shia, Mohajirs — fueling grievances and wearing down cohesion. Economic Dimension: Economic Decline 8.0: Low GDP growth rates, population expansion (2.7%), youth unemployment, investment dwindles, debt reaches Rs7.6 trillion (BTI-2024 rank 112/137, very weak country). Uneven Development 5.0: Resources are monopolised by PakRaj while public lacks basic health, education and economic opportunities. Brain Drain 5.5: Elite controls gainful employment, middle classes stagnate, masses stuck in menial jobs while skilled manpower leaves country. Political Dimension: State Legitimacy 8.0: Severely eroded by disputed elections, contradictory court rulings and rushed legislation. Public Services 7.6: Crumbling infrastructure, strained public services, limited social safety net. Human Rights 7.8: Marked by enforced disappearances, media suppression, judicial decay. (BTI labels Pakistan "hardline autocracy" – Political Transformation Index at 99/137). Social Dimension: Demographic Pressure 7.8: Unchecked population growth (2.7%, region's highest), rapid urban migration, especially into Karachi, threatening civic breakdown. IDPs and Refugees 7.3: Refugees still burden state, while flood-affected citizens remain unsettled. External Intervention 8.4: After last year shocking violence, it worsened this year; so far 502 strikes leaving 737 dead and 991 injured (PICSS 2025), while in June alone, there were 78 incidents – 100 killed and 189 wounded. Unfortunately, grievances are climbing "escalation ladder" toward broader armed conflict in restive provinces — fertile ground for exploitation by India and others. Once again, existential threat comes from within, not outside, weirdly reminiscent of East Pakistan (1971). Why? Because State (Legislature, Government, Judiciary) is once more failing its people, particularly in troubled regions, where security operations persist. Relabeling and empowerment of existing security apparatus, apparently, is an admission that use of force isn't working. Yet, it has been made clear that restive areas will be coerced into submission. Gaza — a grim reminder of where such policies lead. What's needed are methodical efforts by state to remedy root causes through establishment of national commissions for healing past wounds and charting a new future for Jinnah's Pakistan — based on Truth, Justice, Equity and Reconciliation (as done in South Africa, Brazil, Canada, Morocco). Sadly, state remains unresponsive. GoP's commission on disappearances formed under pressure of court in March 2011, remained ineffective. PakRaj rule cannot be questioned for now! They borrowed legitimacy from Jinnah (only his words and portrait remain) having rejected his 1948 reforms: feudal dismantling, military restraint, meritocracy in bureaucracy, and visions for education, industrialisation, poverty alleviation and empowerment of middle classes. Still valid today! Meanwhile, country's poor ranking in governance and corruption never becomes a core national issue — neither for the nexus nor for political parties. Why? No one self-incriminates. It pains me to cite FSI, but decades of misrule have branded Pakistan a global "fragile state", like a warning on a cigarette pack. Signs are clear; data is unequivocal. Still, future choices remain ours. Without course correction, slow-burn fatal breakdowns loom — further ruin of Iqbal's dream and Jinnah's Pakistan. Our perils, as individuals or a nation, are captured in an axiom: Jaisa karoge, waisa bharoge. Is any other outcome possible?
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Business Standard
27-06-2025
- Business
- Business Standard
Women do better than men in education but don't get enough salaried jobs
The number of women in stable and salaried positions is shrinking; they are becoming dependent on informal work premium Shikha Chaturvedi New Delhi Listen to This Article 'Girls outshine boys' say news headlines when school exam results come out. But excellence in school and college education is not leading to enough salaried jobs for women. Even as they gain greater access to higher studies, women often face systemic barriers when entering the labour market. That results in fewer stable, well-paid jobs and limited opportunities for career advancement, according to an analysis of data in 'The Global Gender Gap Report 2025', which was released by the World Economic Forum this month. India ranks 131st among 148 countries in the Gender Gap Index, slipping two places from 2024. Girls
Mint
22-06-2025
- Business
- Mint
The salary concern running through female employment
The Global Gender Gap Report 2025, released by the World Economic Forum earlier this month, ranks India at 131 out of 148 countries on its Gender Gap Index. The gender differential in the labour force participation rate (LFPR), or the share of the population that is working or actively seeking work, is one of the metrics it considers for the report. For India, it shows this at 76.4% for males and 35.1% for females, or a differential of 41.3 percentage points. Over the last decade, government data shows greater participation by women in the labour force, but the quality of work—and, by extension, earnings—remains a concern. Also Read: Marriage changes women's lives—men's, not so much. The data shows it. India's female LFPR has been lower, whether compared with neighbours like Sri Lanka or with fast-growing countries in Asia, or with developed regions. The LFPR of poorer countries such as Bangladesh has risen above India's in recent years. At the same time, India's female LFPR has increased in recent years. The increase is more in rural areas as compared to urban areas. Over the last decade or so, one of the weakest aspects of India's labour market seemed to be finally showing signs of improvement. The proportion of the female population that is engaged in work other than domestic and home care began to rise. For a segment of the population that, to date, had been largely engaged in unpaid domestic work, this was a potentially major step. But underlying the rise in female participation in the labour market are deeper concerns about the quality of work being generated, and how it is being captured. Work without money In terms of type of employment, the biggest rise in women workers has been of self-employed workers. This covers a wide range of incomes and economic classes—from women running their own companies to those who run a kirana shop. Crucially, the self-employed segment now also includes women who do unpaid work in household enterprises—for example, in a family-owned kirana shop—raising questions over the quality of employment. Also Read: Where are the women? Why India's trading floors remain a male domain Self-employed women in these two categories accounted for about 66% of women workers in 2023-24, as compared to about 49% in 2017-18. In contrast, the number of women who are salaried has risen in absolute terms by around 10 million during this period. However, the share of the salaried among women workers has fallen by around 5.5 percentage points—from 24.3% in 2017-18 to 18.7% in 2023-24. Salary perks While self-employment is often praised in terms of female entrepreneurship, the reality is that the vast majority of self-employment, especially for women, is of low quality in terms of earnings. In 2023-24, average monthly earnings of self-employed women were lower than even those women workers who work in casual labour, and much lower than women who work as salaried employees. Irrespective of gender, it is salaried employees who earn the most among the three categories of workers. The reality of 'entrepreneurship', for both men and women, is one of highly insecure, low-paying work—for example, running a small shop or engaging in piece work. In the current 'gig' economy, even those who act as couriers or food delivery workers are considered 'self-employed'. In general, they are not covered by even minimal labour legislation. In contrast, even a low-end salaried job tends to pay more. Also Read: The unpaid burden: For Indian women, degrees don't ease household chores State of decline In 2023-24, only 18.7% women workers were salaried. This figure exceeds 30% in only eight states or Union territories: in descending order of share, Chandigarh, Delhi, Puducherry, Goa, Kerala, Punjab, Haryana, and Tamil Nadu. At the other end, there are two populous, but poorer northern states, namely Bihar (5.5%) and Uttar Pradesh (7.9%). Bihar and Uttar Pradesh are also among the 22 states that have seen the share of salaried among women workers decline between 2017-18 and 2023-24. Even in an affluent state like Delhi, the decline in women in salaried jobs has been 7 percentage points. States and Union territories that have seen an increase in the proportion of salaried women are Chandigarh, Andhra Pradesh, Goa and Haryana. The big challenge in the labour market facing the government is to accelerate not just absolute numbers, but also the share of higher-quality jobs. Salaried jobs may be boring, but they are better than the alternatives for now, at least. is a database and search engine for public data.
Khaleej Times
24-04-2025
- Politics
- Khaleej Times
Pink tax: Why do women's products cost more than men's?
The 'pink tax' is a mark-up on women's products just because they're for women. On this topic, I am Gen-Z, because it seemed so obvious it never even crossed my mind to write this column. Or, more likely, because I'm a man I don't have to deal with it. For goodness's sake, I have a sister; she was stealing my deodorant when we were tweens, while I was complaining that the added scent in most men's deodorant was giving me a rash. The mark-up itself is just messed up. You're looking at a price increase of five per cent to 10, to 50, sometimes 90 per cent based on packaging and vibes. I know the pink tax is a problem in the UAE because it's a problem here in Canada and it's a problem anywhere it goes unsolved. Women spend an average of Dh5,000 more a year on hygiene and beauty products than men, from haircuts and shampoo to clothing and accessories. Just the same though, I'm not just talking about the pink tax because I wanted lavender moisturiser and not 'arctic gun oil' or whatever the cheaper men's version was scented; it's because of the extra costs put upon women that makes their daily, most essential products more expensive. Having to pay for menstruation products are only the start. The UAE remains, by every metric, a leader in gender equality based on private and public studies. The World Economic Forum's Gender Gap Index for 2023 found in the UAE, the gender gap had been closed at 71.2 per cent — the highest in the Middle East and higher than countries like Italy and Indonesia. Yet problems persist. The pink tax is a tax on time and energy. On not feeling free to post on social media or when walking down the street minding their own business. I repeat all of these things to insist on them, because they have been the cause of feminists and activists for years, and I would not have been told to write about the pink tax by a Gen-Z woman living in the UAE if she weren't going through the same thing. The pink tax comes from this, women are willing to spend more. But most content won't say why. Why? Because men make them. Not to heap more blame on the patriarchy, but the average woman has much higher societal expectations put on her for her appearance compared to the average man. There are cries of gold-digging and the ideal dad bod, or how it's fair because men pay for more dates, or whatever, but the fact of the matter is there is still a net loss for women. I'm not ahead of the curve to say as much, but for people living in the UAE, I have higher expectations. The country is a growing one, and a young one, but it is small, and someone's world can only be so big. By the time I moved away for university, I had friends from Ras Al Khaimah to the Burj Khalifa, and even a monoculture had emerged for our age group. We all saw the same memes, played the same games, and suffered the same schooling. But stuff like the pink tax is just the start. When Adolescence came out on Netflix everyone cried shock and awe, but not me and any man or woman my age who was in school when social media came about. It's just so much more in their faces now with social media, it can't be ignored. The pink tax is easier to turn a blind eye to.
