Latest news with #German-US
Euronews
05-06-2025
- Business
- Euronews
Beasts and besties: German chancellors and US presidents through time
As Germany's new Chancellor Friedrich Merz meets US President Donald Trump for the first time at the White House on Thursday, he'll be aware of how his predecessors have tackled the transatlantic relationship. The stars don't augur well, however. During his first stint in office, Trump regularly made disparaging remarks about Germany and developed a non-relationship with Chancellor Angela Merkel characterised by mutual personal dislike. Trump's erratic trade policy, which has the EU and Germany specifically in its sights, as well as Trump's retreat from traditionally solid transatlantic positions on common defence and Russia, have challenged Merz before he even moved into the Chancellery. How the mutual relationship between Merz and Trump develops in the future is likely to depend crucially on how the Chancellor completes his first visit to the Oval Office - Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy sends his regards! Merz's basic problem is that Trump has taken an axe to German-US relations and is not particularly interested in good terms with Berlin. This situation is a novelty for a German chancellor. Merz's predecessors since 1949 have experienced ups and downs in their relations with the respective US presidents, but the close friendship between the two countries has never been called into question. So how did they get along? Konrad Adenauer was 73 when he was elected the first Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949. Four years after the end of World War II, however, the country was not yet a sovereign state. Adenauer was only too aware of this. He sought a close and trusting relationship with the US and adheres very closely to instructions from Washington. In 1953, Adenauer travelled to the US for the first time - it was the first ever visit by a German head of government to Washington! His talks with US President Dwight Eisenhower (1953-61) were friendly. For Adenauer, the protection, aid and military presence of the United States were indispensable for the democratic development of Germany, as well as for peace and prosperity in Europe. Adenauer developed close personal relations with Eisenhower and especially his Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, which benefitted German-US relations as a whole. In contrast, Adenauer's relationship with John F Kennedy (1961-63) was not without problems. The two are far apart in terms of both age and politics. In 1963, his last year in office, Adenauer was already 87, and Kennedy, 41 years his junior, saw him as a man of the past. Kennedy felt that the chancellor's stance on the German question was too rigid and lacked flexibility in the face of changing conditions in Europe. Conversely, Adenauer harbours mistrust of US-Soviet negotiations. He believes that a rapprochement between the two superpowers could only take place at the expense of Germany and its political goal of reunification. After the discord between Adenauer and JFK, relations between Chancellor Ludwig Erhard and Kennedy's successor Lyndon B. Johnson (1963-69) became very friendly again. German foreign policy was by now characterised by the conflict between 'Atlanticists' and 'Gaullists', with the latter wanting a close alliance with France, which Erhard rejects in favour of nuclear protection by the US. Erhard and Johnson met sympathetically from the outset and came together five times during Erhard's short time in office. The first time was just one month after Johnson's inauguration, when the Texan invited the German to his ranch in Texas, a particular honour, especially for a foreigner. Willy Brandt was the first Social Democrat to become Federal Chancellor in 1974. Brandt sees himself as a self-confident partner of the USA. However, his 'Ostpolitik', which sought an understanding with East Germany (GDR), Poland and the Soviet Union, was viewed with great suspicion in Washington. US President Richard Nixon (1969-1974) distrusted Brandt, whom he considered to be a 'German nationalist'. Brandt, on the other hand, tried to maintain a good relationship with Nixon and avoided open criticism of the war in Vietnam. Personally, the two had practically nothing to say to each other. Alluding to Brandt's illegitimate origins, Nixon occasionally calls him 'the bastard' behind closed doors. In the mid-1970s, German-US relations were better than ever before. US President Gerald Ford (1974-1977) and German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt knew and appreciated each other and were close friends in their private lives. There was a great deal of agreement on key issues, as well as a trusting openness in discussing differences. However, Ford lost the 1976 election to his challenger Jimmy Carter (1977-1981). Carter was inexperienced in foreign policy and relied on a team of advisors disconnected from the think tanks of the East Coast, where Schmidt had been well-connected for decades and enjoyed a high reputation. Schmidt, who had a tendency to lecture people, saw Carter as a novice who had only a limited understanding of the world's complex problems. This does not go unnoticed by Carter - relations quickly hit rock bottom. When it came to the deployment of the neutron bomb, there were serious disagreements. Schmidt, amid great domestic political difficulties, advocated the weapons system desired by Washington. When Carter stopped its production at the last minute for domestic political reasons, Schmidt felt exposed and abandoned. Unlike Schmidt, Helmut Kohl had no personal connection to the United States and did not speak English. Nevertheless, he showed transatlantic solidarity from the outset and endeavours to establish a personal relationship with every US president he deals with. His relationship with Ronald Reagan (1981-1989) even had friendly traits that outlasted even the embarrassing Bitburg controversy. In 1985, Kohl invited Reagan to visit the Bitburg military cemetery in the Eifel region during his stay in Germany - as a sign of reconciliation between former enemies. When it was discovered that not only Wehrmacht soldiers but also members of the Waffen SS were buried at the cemetery, a storm of indignation broke out in Washington. The White House wanted to cancel the visit, but Reagan remained stubborn and thus supported the German chancellor. Kohl also developed a friendly and close relationship with Reagan's successor George HW Bush (1989-93), which facilitated communication between the two governments during the collapse of the GDR and the German reunification process. In the 1990s, German-US relations were determined not least by the question of how much responsibility Germany should assume in the world. US President Bill Clinton (1993-2001), with whom Kohl had an even better relationship than with Reagan, reacted positively to the German decision to send Bundeswehr soldiers to the Balkans as part of an international peacekeeping force. In his memoirs, Clinton spoke almost affectionately and with great respect about his appreciation for Kohl. He was 'not only physically' the most impressive political leader in Europe for decades, according to Clinton. The relationship between German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and US President George W. Bush developed quite differently. The atmosphere between Bonn (later Berlin) and Washington was probably never as icy as in those years. The reason: the red-green government's no to the war in Iraq. Mistrust, personal animus, blatant dislike - the rift between the two leaders was total. This became apparent again years later, when both were no longer in office and both accused each other of lying on the occasion of the publication of Bush's memoirs in 2010. Under Chancellor Angela Merkel, German-American relations relaxed again. Unlike with Schröder, Bush got on well with Merkel and called her 'a friend'. In contrast, the chancellor's relationship with Barack Obama was slow to warm. In 2008, she refused to allow the then-presidential candidate to give a speech in front of the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin - Obama had to make do with the Victory Column. But after Obama's election, the relationship was increasingly characterised by mutual trust. Both cultivated a sober and pragmatic political style and a liberal view of the world, which facilitated cooperation. In a way, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz was lucky: US President Joe Biden was probably the last great old-school US Atlanticist. This made cooperation easier. Both liked each other, worked together in a spirit of trust and described each other as friends. In fact, Scholz consulted with Biden more frequently and more closely than with his European colleagues. When it comes to aid for Ukraine, Scholz did nothing without obtaining Biden's approval. At their last meeting, both warned against ending military support to Ukraine. This is now a matter for their successors.
Euronews
05-06-2025
- Business
- Euronews
Digital weight loss: How online Ozempic buyers bypass prescriptions
As Germany's new Chancellor Friedrich Merz meets US President Donald Trump for the first time at the White House on Thursday, he'll be aware of how his predecessors have tackled the transatlantic relationship. The stars don't augur well, however. During his first stint in office, Trump regularly made disparaging remarks about Germany and developed a non-relationship with Chancellor Angela Merkel characterised by mutual personal dislike. Trump's erratic trade policy, which has the EU and Germany specifically in its sights, as well as Trump's retreat from traditionally solid transatlantic positions on common defence and Russia, have challenged Merz before he even moved into the Chancellery. How the mutual relationship between Merz and Trump develops in the future is likely to depend crucially on how the Chancellor completes his first visit to the Oval Office - Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy sends his regards! Merz's basic problem is that Trump has taken an axe to German-US relations and is not particularly interested in good terms with Berlin. This situation is a novelty for a German chancellor. Merz's predecessors since 1949 have experienced ups and downs in their relations with the respective US presidents, but the close friendship between the two countries has never been called into question. So how did they get along? Konrad Adenauer was 73 when he was elected the first Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949. Four years after the end of World War II, however, the country was not yet a sovereign state. Adenauer was only too aware of this. He sought a close and trusting relationship with the US and adheres very closely to instructions from Washington. In 1953, Adenauer travelled to the US for the first time - it was the first ever visit by a German head of government to Washington! His talks with US President Dwight Eisenhower (1953-61) were friendly. For Adenauer, the protection, aid and military presence of the United States were indispensable for the democratic development of Germany, as well as for peace and prosperity in Europe. Adenauer developed close personal relations with Eisenhower and especially his Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, which benefitted German-US relations as a whole. In contrast, Adenauer's relationship with John F Kennedy (1961-63) was not without problems. The two are far apart in terms of both age and politics. In 1963, his last year in office, Adenauer was already 87, and Kennedy, 41 years his junior, saw him as a man of the past. Kennedy felt that the chancellor's stance on the German question was too rigid and lacked flexibility in the face of changing conditions in Europe. Conversely, Adenauer harbours mistrust of US-Soviet negotiations. He believes that a rapprochement between the two superpowers could only take place at the expense of Germany and its political goal of reunification. After the discord between Adenauer and JFK, relations between Chancellor Ludwig Erhard and Kennedy's successor Lyndon B. Johnson (1963-69) became very friendly again. German foreign policy was by now characterised by the conflict between 'Atlanticists' and 'Gaullists', with the latter wanting a close alliance with France, which Erhard rejects in favour of nuclear protection by the US. Erhard and Johnson met sympathetically from the outset and came together five times during Erhard's short time in office. The first time was just one month after Johnson's inauguration, when the Texan invited the German to his ranch in Texas, a particular honour, especially for a foreigner. Willy Brandt was the first Social Democrat to become Federal Chancellor in 1974. Brandt sees himself as a self-confident partner of the USA. However, his 'Ostpolitik', which sought an understanding with East Germany (GDR), Poland and the Soviet Union, was viewed with great suspicion in Washington. US President Richard Nixon (1969-1974) distrusted Brandt, whom he considered to be a 'German nationalist'. Brandt, on the other hand, tried to maintain a good relationship with Nixon and avoided open criticism of the war in Vietnam. Personally, the two had practically nothing to say to each other. Alluding to Brandt's illegitimate origins, Nixon occasionally calls him 'the bastard' behind closed doors. In the mid-1970s, German-US relations were better than ever before. US President Gerald Ford (1974-1977) and German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt knew and appreciated each other and were close friends in their private lives. There was a great deal of agreement on key issues, as well as a trusting openness in discussing differences. However, Ford lost the 1976 election to his challenger Jimmy Carter (1977-1981). Carter was inexperienced in foreign policy and relied on a team of advisors disconnected from the think tanks of the East Coast, where Schmidt had been well-connected for decades and enjoyed a high reputation. Schmidt, who had a tendency to lecture people, saw Carter as a novice who had only a limited understanding of the world's complex problems. This does not go unnoticed by Carter - relations quickly hit rock bottom. When it came to the deployment of the neutron bomb, there were serious disagreements. Schmidt, amid great domestic political difficulties, advocated the weapons system desired by Washington. When Carter stopped its production at the last minute for domestic political reasons, Schmidt felt exposed and abandoned. Unlike Schmidt, Helmut Kohl had no personal connection to the United States and did not speak English. Nevertheless, he showed transatlantic solidarity from the outset and endeavours to establish a personal relationship with every US president he deals with. His relationship with Ronald Reagan (1981-1989) even had friendly traits that outlasted even the embarrassing Bitburg controversy. In 1985, Kohl invited Reagan to visit the Bitburg military cemetery in the Eifel region during his stay in Germany - as a sign of reconciliation between former enemies. When it was discovered that not only Wehrmacht soldiers but also members of the Waffen SS were buried at the cemetery, a storm of indignation broke out in Washington. The White House wanted to cancel the visit, but Reagan remained stubborn and thus supported the German chancellor. Kohl also developed a friendly and close relationship with Reagan's successor George HW Bush (1989-93), which facilitated communication between the two governments during the collapse of the GDR and the German reunification process. In the 1990s, German-US relations were determined not least by the question of how much responsibility Germany should assume in the world. US President Bill Clinton (1993-2001), with whom Kohl had an even better relationship than with Reagan, reacted positively to the German decision to send Bundeswehr soldiers to the Balkans as part of an international peacekeeping force. In his memoirs, Clinton spoke almost affectionately and with great respect about his appreciation for Kohl. He was 'not only physically' the most impressive political leader in Europe for decades, according to Clinton. The relationship between German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and US President George W. Bush developed quite differently. The atmosphere between Bonn (later Berlin) and Washington was probably never as icy as in those years. The reason: the red-green government's no to the war in Iraq. Mistrust, personal animus, blatant dislike - the rift between the two leaders was total. This became apparent again years later, when both were no longer in office and both accused each other of lying on the occasion of the publication of Bush's memoirs in 2010. Under Chancellor Angela Merkel, German-American relations relaxed again. Unlike with Schröder, Bush got on well with Merkel and called her 'a friend'. In contrast, the chancellor's relationship with Barack Obama was slow to warm. In 2008, she refused to allow the then-presidential candidate to give a speech in front of the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin - Obama had to make do with the Victory Column. But after Obama's election, the relationship was increasingly characterised by mutual trust. Both cultivated a sober and pragmatic political style and a liberal view of the world, which facilitated cooperation. In a way, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz was lucky: US President Joe Biden was probably the last great old-school US Atlanticist. This made cooperation easier. Both liked each other, worked together in a spirit of trust and described each other as friends. In fact, Scholz consulted with Biden more frequently and more closely than with his European colleagues. When it comes to aid for Ukraine, Scholz did nothing without obtaining Biden's approval. At their last meeting, both warned against ending military support to Ukraine. This is now a matter for their successors. In a world chasing speed—fast food, fast fashion, fast tech—it's no surprise that quick slimming is the latest obsession. But the demand for rapid weight loss has opened a controversial new chapter in global health: the widespread use of prescription-only diabetes medications like Ozempic and Mounjaro for aesthetic purposes. These drugs, part of the GLP-1 class, were developed to help manage type 2 diabetes. Yet their dramatic side effect—substantial weight loss—has made them wildly popular among people with no underlying medical need. It's a trend health experts now warn could spiral into a global crisis. More than 1 billion people worldwide live with obesity, and over 830 million are managing diabetes. In Europe, over half the adult population is overweight, and 17% are clinically obese. The World Obesity Federation projects that by 2050, 60% of adults globally will fall into this category. GLP-1 drugs like Ozempic, Wegovy, Mounjaro and Saxenda were designed to address these numbers through medical treatment. They regulate insulin levels, slow digestion and reduce appetite, helping some users shed up to 15% of their body weight. For people with obesity and related health conditions, these drugs are a breakthrough. But for others—especially the young and image-conscious—they've become a shortcut. A way to stay lean without diet or exercise. And in today's fast-paced, hyper-filtered world, many are willing to skip the medical justification entirely. Although legally restricted in most countries, Ozempic and similar drugs can often be obtained with alarming ease. A quick online search reveals dozens of websites offering 'digital consultations' where users simply fill out a questionnaire, upload an ID, and—often without ever speaking to a doctor—receive a prescription. In some countries, the process is even more relaxed. Online platforms may not require access to a user's official medical records, allowing anyone with basic Photoshop skills and a scale to potentially game the system. In others, local pharmacies bend the rules. In places like Poland, Turkey, Greece, and Kosovo, access through unofficial channels has been reported despite existing regulations. A thriving grey market fills the gaps. Private group chats on messaging apps function like digital black markets. In just minutes, users can browse listings, order, and pay for unregulated GLP-1 drugs—no questions asked, no prescription required. Users even post photos celebrating their arrivals, turning health risks into social memes. This growing off-label trend comes with serious consequences. GLP-1 medications aren't without risks—especially when misused or taken without medical supervision. Common side effects include nausea, vomiting, diarrhoea, constipation, loss of appetite and dehydration. More serious complications may include swelling of the pancreas, gallbladder disease which sometimes requires surgical removal, loss of muscle tissue, kidney injuries and hypoglycaemia, especially when combined with other medications. Thyroid tumours have been noted in some animal studies of the drugs. Then there's the risk of fakes. In 2023, authorities in Austria and the UK reported hospitalisations due to counterfeit Ozempic pens, some of which were found to contain insulin instead of semaglutide. The World Health Organization (WHO) has since issued a global alert over falsified versions of semaglutide found in the UK, US and Brazil. 'These counterfeits can be life-threatening,' warned WHO's Dr Yukiko Nakatani. 'We urge people to stop using suspicious products and report them immediately.' Despite growing awareness, enforcement lags behind. Messaging platforms where these drug sales take place continue to operate with minimal oversight. Closed groups named after "fitness" or "health" are often digital storefronts for illicit sales. Algorithms don't differentiate between helpful tips and harmful products—until someone gets hurt. This loophole highlights a growing regulatory blind spot. Health authorities may police pharmacies and clinics, but the world's most popular communication platforms remain largely unregulated terrain when it comes to drug trafficking. A European Commission spokesperson noted that under the EU's Digital Services Act online platforms have an obligation to protect consumers. The act requires users to be able to quickly report illegal content and products, obliges platforms to remove illicit goods and online marketplaces have to trace their traders. "The DSA obliges platforms to address risks of illegal content and goods being disseminated on their sites," and the Commission is monitoring compliance and won't hesitate to open further proceedings, according to the spokesperson. The rise of weight-loss drugs has ushered in a new dilemma for both medicine and society. These are powerful tools with potential to transform lives—but only when used safely, and for the right reasons. As regulators struggle to keep up with demand, tech companies and messaging platforms must also step up. Health isn't just a personal issue—it's a systemic one. And without stronger protections in place, the rush for fast fixes could leave a trail of long-term damage. US President Donald Trump said that his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin told him "very strongly" in a phone call on Wednesday that he will respond to Ukraine's weekend drone attack on Russian airfields. "We discussed the attack on Russia's docked airplanes, by Ukraine, and also various other attacks that have been taking place by both sides," Trump wrote in a post on Truth Social. "It was a good conversation, but not a conversation that will lead to immediate Peace." The call reportedly lasted for an hour and 15 minutes and was Trump's first known contact with Putin since 19 May. In a briefing with government ministers earlier on Wednesday, Putin made no mention of Ukraine's audacious operation deep inside Russia on Sunday, instead referring only to an operation carried out by Ukraine's Security Service (SBU) on Tuesday which saw the Kerch Bridge damaged. The bridge is a key piece of Russian infrastructure illegally built by Moscow after its unilateral annexation of the Ukrainian peninsula in 2014. Putin referred to that attack as "certainly a terrorist act." However, Ukraine's SBU said the first explosion was timed to take place just before 5am when there were no civilians on or near the bridge. The Russian leader also questioned the value of faltering peace talks with Ukraine, accusing Kyiv of not being interested in peace. "What is there to talk about? How can we negotiate with those who rely on terror?" he said. The second round of face-to-face talks between Ukraine and Russia took place in Istanbul on Monday, with no major breakthrough made towards a lasting ceasefire. The two sides however agreed to another prisoner of war exchange, with Ukraine's Defence Minister Rustem Umerov saying seriously ill and young soldiers would be swapped. During the talks in Istanbul, Ukraine also gave Moscow officials a list of hundreds of Ukrainian children forcefully deported by Russia. "We are talking about hundreds of children whom Russia has illegally deported, forcibly transferred or is holding in the temporarily occupied territories. We are waiting for a response. The ball is in Russia's court," the head of Ukraine's presidential office Andriy Yermak said on Telegram. Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said it took Kyiv "one year, six months, and nine days from the start of planning to effective execution" of the operation. Kyiv managed to smuggle FPV drones deep inside Russia and hide them inside trucks in mobile log cabins. The cabins' roofs were then opened remotely and the drones proceeded to launch their attack on Russian military bombers. Social media footage widely shared by Russian media appears to show the drones rising from inside containers, while the panels lie discarded on the road. On Wednesday, Zelenskyy said Kyiv would not have launched its drone strike on Russian strategic bombers if Moscow had accepted Kyiv's calls for a ceasefire. Zelenskyy said Ukraine has repeatedly urged Russia to accept the US-backed 30-day ceasefire proposal, which could be the first step to putting an end to Russia's all-out war against Ukraine. However during the second round of talks on Monday, Moscow rejected the proposal once again. "If there had been a ceasefire, would the operation have taken place? No," Zelenskyy explained, adding that roughly half of the planes will be impossible to repair, while others will require significant time to be put back into service. On Wednesday, Ukraine's security service (SBU) released new drone footage of Operation "Spiderweb," showing how exactly Kyiv struck 41 Russian heavy military bombers on Sunday. The footage shows Ukraine's first-person-view drones striking four Russian airfields: Dyagilevo in the Riazan region, Ivanovo in the Ivanovo region, Belaya air base in the Irkutsk region, located in south-eastern Siberia over 4,000km east of the frontline, and Olenya air base in Russia's Murmansk region, some 2,000km away from Ukraine's border. Kyiv said these were the airfields where Russian strategic aviation "had been based". The damaged aircraft include A-50, Tu-95, Tu-22, Tu-160, as well as An-12 and Il-78. Moscow uses these heavy bombers for daily attacks on Ukrainian cities. The SBU also revealed that it used a modern UAV control technology during this operation. It combined autonomous artificial intelligence algorithms and manual operator interventions. Ukraine's security service says some of the UAVs lost signal and would switch to an artificial intelligence-assisted mission following a pre-planned route. The warhead then automatically detonated as it approached and made contact with a specific target. Earlier, Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said that 117 drones had been used in Operation Spiderweb, each with its own pilot. The General Staff of Ukraine's Armed Forces confirmed on Tuesday that Russia lost 41 military aircraft.
Yahoo
05-06-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Germany's straight-talking new leader is meeting with Trump for the first time. Here's why it matters
Friedrich Merz, the newly inaugurated German chancellor, will take a seat in the Oval Office on Thursday for his first in-person meeting with US President Donald Trump. The meeting comes as a series of high-stakes international issues once again come to the fore. Trump has issued another round of warnings to the European Union on tariffs; the war in Ukraine appears no closer to ending; and pressure is mounting on Israel over the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Gaza. Since taking office, Merz has been on a tour of European capitals, meeting with France's Emmanuel Macron, Britain's Keiier Starmer and Poland's Donald Tusk – before they all appeared in Kyiv alongside Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelensky in a show of European unity. The one major omission has been a meeting with Trump. While there have been phone calls between the two, the handshake accompanied by the frantic clicks of camera shutters will mark the start of the new German-US relationship. Germany's status as the economic powerhouse of Europe and Merz's repositioning of the country as a leader in European security – which includes a commitment to beef up its military and fall in line with Trump's demands for NATO members to increase defense spending – underscore the importance of a successful encounter. There is also the chance of an explosive diplomatic broadside, as seen with President Zelensky and, more recently, South Africa's President Cyril Ramaphosa. Both Vice President, JD Vance, and Secretary of State Marco Rubio have recently criticized Germany's decision to classify the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) political party, as 'certainly right-wing extremists', and therefore expanding surveillance on the party. Both took to X, to express their anger at what they called the German 'establishment' for the designation. Secretary Rubio said, 'that's not democracy – it's tyranny in disguise'. Vance followed up by saying Germany is trying to redivide the country, 'the West tore down the Berlin Wall together. And it has been rebuilt — not by the Soviets or the Russians, but by the German establishment.' The German Foreign Ministry, for its part, said on X, the decision was democratic, 'the result of a thorough & independent investigation to protect our Constitution & the rule of law.' Merz, a few days later, also rejected the statements, saying 'Germany was liberated from tyranny by the US; Germany is stable, liberal, and democratic today. We don't need a remedial lesson in democracy.' The expectation though, is that this will be a cordial meeting. Wolfgang Ischinger, a former German ambassador to the United States, told CNN that Merz is 'totally ready' for the meeting and said the chancellor's personality and manner of communicating would help him win over the president. 'He doesn't mince his words… That's not Friedrich Merz's style. He says what he thinks. He's transparent. He's direct. And I would imagine that that is something which Donald Trump will hopefully learn to appreciate.' That directness, particularly as regards Europe's relationship with the US, has already raised eyebrows in some quarters. In the minutes after Merz's center-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and its sister party won the largest share of the vote on February 23, making him the likely next chancellor, he said, 'the utmost priority is strengthening Europe as quickly as possible, so that we achieve independence from the US step-by-step.' He added that the Trump administration 'doesn't care much about the fate of Europe.' Merz also had a few other choice words for the US in the days following the election. And only last week, he delivered a riposte to comments made earlier this year by Vice President JD Vance at the Munich Security Conference in which he accused European allies of backsliding on freedom of expression – a speech which at the time Merz described as having disturbed him. Vance posed a question to which we 'have the strongest and best answer imaginable,' Merz said in Berlin on Thursday, 'namely, the conviction that freedom and democracy are worth standing up for resolutely and, if necessary, fighting to preserve them.' These comments notwithstanding, Claudia Mayor, senior vice president at the German Marshall Fund, a think tank focused on US-German relations, assessed that since the election 'the tone has been turned down' by Merz. She noted that on May 8, Merz held a phone call with Trump in which he said, 'the United States remains an indispensable friend and partner of Germany.' At a business summit a few days later, Merz revealed that he had invited Trump to Germany. As part of that trip, he would accompany the US president to the rural town of Bad Dürkheim, the childhood home of Trump's paternal grandfather. And recently there has been Germany's alignment with the US on NATO defense spending. Merz and his government have indicated that they are ready to comply with, and push others to agree to, the long-stated Trump demand that members of the alliance increase spending on defense to 5% of GDP. Building up a positive working relationship, though, is likely to be Germany's major ambition for the White House meeting. And Merz's previous roles and experience could play a big part in bringing that about. Formerly the head of 'Atlantik Brucke,' or Atlantic Bridge, a think tank that promotes German-US ties, Merz is known in Germany as being an ardent proponent of the transatlantic relationship. He was a huge advocate for a US-EU trade agreement while at Atlantic Bridge and has spoken openly about his admiration for former US President Ronald Reagan. He also understands the corporate world, having served on numerous boards, including that of US global investment firm BlackRock. Ischinger, now the chairman of the board of trustees of the Munich Security Conference, said: 'If Donald Trump feels that he can trust Friedrich Merz, that's very important, and vice versa… because, these are dangerous times, and there must not be any misunderstanding.' Mayor, too, says much is at stake. She told CNN that although she believes the German government understands it needs to keep a good relationship with the White House, 'deep inside, they are totally, deeply, utterly worried' about the Trump administration and its commitment to the defense of NATO allies in Europe, particularly given the threats posed by an increasingly bellicose Russia. The conundrum, she said, is that Germany 'can't afford the Americans leaving,' because despite European commitments to increase spending on security, building up those capabilities takes years. 'At the same time, we don't want them to leave, because we think we are better off together,' she added. She points to the German coalition agreement, (essentially a contract between the two coalition parties, the CDU and the center-left Social Democratic Party (SPD), on how they will govern Germany) and a major change in the constitution that could unlock half a trillion dollars of spending on the military, as indicators of the conflicting sentiment. The revision of Germany's constitutional debt brake, pushed through by Merz in March before he even formally became chancellor, was a 'revolutionary change by German standards,' Mayor said. But it was forced through because 'international relations have changed so much' that it appeared essential, she said. At the same time, she said, the coalition pact reads as if everything about the transatlantic relationship is in fine working order. 'If you're such great partners, why did we need a constitutional change?' Major asked. A Western diplomat, who was not authorized to speak ahead of the meeting, told CNN that Merz's recent words have been 'both tactical and strategic.' The source said Merz sees Germany as '(needing) to grow up and take care of (itself),' adding that the chancellor does not see that as possible 'in the next three years,' and thus it is still in Germany's interest to have a good relationship with the US and find a way to work together. Ischinger, too, sees pragmatism at play, suggesting that Merz could seek to replicate the personal relationship built by Macron with Trump. The German chancellor will want to ensure that 'Donald Trump understands that if Friedrich Merz is a committed European, that does not mean that Friedrich Merz is going to make the Atlantic wider,' he said.
Local Germany
24-02-2025
- Politics
- Local Germany
Netanyahu, Trump and the far right: What Merz said the day after German election
After coming out on top with 28 percent of the vote in Sunday's election, the conservative alliance (CDU/CSU) is ready to build a new government in Germany. CDU leader Friedrich Merz said he wants to start negotiations for a coalition agreement with the Social Democrats from next week at the latest. "Germany needs a government that is capable of taking action and has a parliamentary majority behind it," said Merz. But coalition talks are not the only thing on the likely soon-to-be chancellor's mind. During a press conference, Merz covered several topics, including changes to German-US relations with Donald Trump in office and the rise of the Alternative for Germany (AfD), which came second in the election with just over 20 percent of the vote. Merz also talked about his plans to make sure Benjamin Netanyahu can visit Germany - despite an International Criminal Court arrest warrant for the Israeli prime minister. Merz said he would seek good ties with the United States under President Trump but was also ready for "the worst-case scenario". "I hope that we can convince the Americans that it is in our mutual interest to maintain good transatlantic relations," Merz told reporters. "But as always, you have to deal with the worst-case scenario," he said, warning that "all the signals we are receiving from the United States indicate that interest in Europe is decreasing". Merz also said he had a "lengthy" call with Emmanuel Macron late Sunday, as the French president headed to Washington to meet with Trump. "We discussed the topics he wants to address with the American president, and I found that there was complete agreement between what he wants to say and what I want to say" on transatlantic ties, Merz said. Trump blindsided European allies when he declared his readiness to resume diplomacy with Russian President Vladimir Putin and to hold talks without the involvement of European nations or Kyiv. US President Donald Trump signs an executive order enacting tariffs in the Oval Office of the White House on February 10, 2025, in Washington, DC. (Photo by ANDREW CABALLERO-REYNOLDS / AFP) He has repeated Russian talking points about Ukraine's supposed responsibility in starting the war, raising concern in Europe that he would agree to Moscow's terms. US Vice President JD Vance also caused shock in Europe this month when he used a speech at a security forum in Munich to criticise the EU on issues ranging from immigration to free speech. 'Last warning' Merz said that the surge of the far-right AfD to 20 percent voter support was "the last warning" to the country's mainstream parties. The anti-immigration AfD scored its best-ever result in the election after a campaign marred by a spate of deadly car-ramming and stabbing attacks blamed on migrants. Merz has vowed a crackdown on immigration and a "zero tolerance" law and order drive to ease public fears and win back voters drifting to the far-right party. "This is really the last warning to the political parties of the democratic centre in Germany to come to joint solutions," Merz said at a Berlin press conference. Merz pointed to the especially strong gains of the far-right party in the ex-communist east, the AfD's heartland, which in post-election maps was bathed in blue, the AfD's party colour. He said his own conservative party colleagues had warned him that the eastern region was "only a few years ahead of you in the west" and that "if you do not solve the problems, then you will have the same problem". Co-leader of Germany's far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party Alice Weidel and co-leader Tino Chrupalla hug at the end of their press conference in Berlin, on February 24, 2025. (Photo by Tobias SCHWARZ / AFP) Merz added that "we must work together to see that we solve the problems in Germany" in order to "gradually deprive this party of its breeding ground". Speaking to reporters on Monday, AfD co-leader Alice Weidel described the AfD as "a people's party" that could appeal to a broad cross-section of society. She also highlighted the fact that the AfD had done "very well" among young voters, hailing this as an "indicator that we are the party of the future". Plans to meet Netanyahu Merz also told reporters he had spoken with Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu and voice support to him. "I told him that we should see each other soon after the government is formed," Merz said. "In the event that he plans to visit Germany, I have committed myself to find a way to ensure that he can visit Germany and leave again without being arrested." Netanyahu's office said he had congratulated Merz and that the German election winner had invited the Israeli premier to visit. "Merz thanked the prime minister for his call and said he would invite him for an official visit to Germany, openly defying the ICC's scandalous decision to label the prime minister as a war criminal." The ICC issued arrest warrants in November for Netanyahu, former Israeli defence minister Yoav Gallant, and Hamas's slain military chief Mohammed Deif. The court is investigating Israel's conduct in its war against Hamas in the Gaza Strip, launched after the Palestinian militant group's deadly October 7th, 2023, attacks. The ICC said it had "reasonable grounds" to believe Netanyahu and Gallant bore "criminal responsibility" for the war crime of starvation in Gaza, as well as the crimes against humanity of murder, persecution and other inhumane acts. Netanyahu has dismissed the move as anti-Semitic. Merz said it was a "completely absurd idea" that an Israeli prime minister could not visit Germany. The Berlin government had previously said it was "examining" the ICC warrant and that it was bound by the court. But German officials carefully avoided saying whether they would act on the warrant, referring to Germany's "great responsibility towards Israel" as a consequence of the Holocaust.
