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Deccan Herald
08-05-2025
- Politics
- Deccan Herald
Pride over prejudice
When some college students requested popular singer Sonu Nigam to perform a Kannada song at a function in Bengaluru, no one expected it would ignite a national controversy. What seemed like an innocuous demand from fans has spiralled into a debate on linguistic chauvinism and insider-outsider dynamics. Sonu Nigam's comparison of the request to the Pahalgam terror attack was not only disproportionate but deeply insensitive, pouring fuel on an already simmering incident has been hastily labelled as another instance of 'Kannada fanaticism', a term often carelessly thrown around. But before labelling it so, it is essential to understand the context behind this linguistic assertiveness. Kannada pride has its roots in a long and historical struggle for identity and fight for Kannada predates the formation of Karnataka itself. The movement to unite Kannada-speaking regions started in the mid-19th century, gaining momentum under the leadership of Alur Venkata Rao in 1903. The Karnataka Ekikarana (unification) movement which began in 1946 culminated in the formation of the state of Mysore in 1956 – a dream that was more about language and culture, than about borders. In 1973, the state was renamed Karnataka, completing an important landmark in the assertion of Kannada the decades, Kannada activism has taken various forms including literary movements, protests and campaigns addressing regional concerns like language issues, culture, water rights and border Gokak agitation in the 1980s was a watershed moment. Led by literary and cultural giants, and later embraced by the masses, including cinema icon Dr Rajkumar, the movement demanded primacy for Kannada in education. Another milestone was the Sarojini Mahishi Committee report (1986) relating to the reservation of jobs for Kannada activism has not been without friction. In the past, Tamil was often seen as a linguistic rival. The Cauvery water dispute between Karnataka and Tamil Nadu triggered violent attacks on Tamils in 1991, with slums torched, businesses targeted and at least 16 lives lost in police firing. Hundreds of Tamils fled the state, leaving scars on Karnataka's social flashpoint occurred in 1994 when the Bengaluru Kendra of Doordarshan introduced a 10-minute Urdu news bulletin, perceived as a direct challenge to Kannada. Protests turned deadly, claiming around 25 lives. There were attempts to communalise the movement during this time, but fortunately, these did not gain lasting traction, allowing Kannada activism to retain its secular the years, various organisations like Kannada Sahitya Parishat and individuals such as Vatal Nagaraj, M Chidananda Murthy, and T A Narayana Gowda have supported the language movement. However, some of their actions have been subject to lacks a resurgence is underway, driven by young, urban professionals. Many Kannadigas working in the IT sector are championing the cause, not by rejecting English, but by demanding importance and respect for Kannada. The target is not Tamil, as in the past, but increasingly Hindi, or more precisely, the 'imposition' of Hindi and the cultural supremacy complex that accompanies is growing against 'outsiders' who settle in Karnataka but refuse to learn Kannada, insisting instead that locals speak in Hindi. This has sparked viral videos, heated social media battles, and real-world confrontations. But at the core of it lies a fundamental question: Why is it acceptable to expect a Kannadiga to learn Hindi, but not the reverse?.Language is more than a tool of communication, it is the heartbeat of the people. The Kannada language encapsulates centuries of poetry, philosophy, art, folklore and music. Disregarding it, especially in its homeland, is not just disrespectful, but could lead to its fervour is not unique to Karnataka – all states have had their moments of linguistic assertion. But Karnataka's struggle has always been a fight for respect, not dominance. It is this nuance that is often lost in polarised are quick to equate the Kannada movement with jingoism, but there is a crucial distinction between asserting one's identity and imposing it on others. Kannadigas are not asking anyone to abandon their language or culture. They are only seeking reciprocity, for their linguistic heritage to be valued alongside the Sonu Nigam controversy is a symptom of a broader challenge: India's struggle to fully embrace its linguistic diversity. The solution lies in promoting multilingualism, respecting the primacy of all languages, and abandoning notions of linguistic superiority. Pride in one's language is not fanaticism, it is the celebration of one's heritage. Ultimately, the path forward is simple: mutual respect and recognition that linguistic diversity enriches the fabric of the nation..(The writer is a Bengaluru- based senior journalist)
Time of India
05-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
42 child marriages reported in Belagavi in a year; highest cases among Kuruba community
Belagavi: Belagavi, the home district of women and child welfare minister Laxmi Hebbalkar, has recorded 42 cases of child marriages between April 2024 and March 2025. The number has triggered serious concern among child rights activists and govt officials. According to data from the District Child Protection Unit (DCPU), 196 child marriages were attempted. Of these, 154 could be prevented. Of the total number of cases reported, FIRs were filed in 22 cases, while 66 were referred to the Child Welfare Committees (CWC) for further action. The highest number of cases — 37 — were reported from the Kuruba community, followed by 35 from Scheduled Tribes, 26 among Lingayats, 25 among Scheduled Castes, and 17 among the Muslim community. Officials attribute the continued prevalence of early child marriages to a combination of factors that include deep-rooted cultural traditions, and economic hardships -- particularly in rural and semi-urban areas. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Pernas e pés inchados: Experimente isso para ajudar a drenar o fluído do edema aartedoherbalismo Undo Belagavi taluk topped the district with 23 reported cases, followed by Gokak (22), Hukkeri (18), Savadatti and Ramdurg (17 each), Athani and Raibag (15 each), and Chikodi (10). While the DCPU's interventions helped thwart a significant number of underage marriages, the 42 cases that did occur underline the need for stronger community outreach, stricter law enforcement, and sustained awareness campaigns in high-risk communities. Speaking to TOI, DCPU officer C S Sukhasare said: "In coordination with our stakeholders, we are doing our best to prevent these incidents. Our focus now is on spreading awareness about the adverse impact of child marriage. We will persist with our efforts until we see the number of cases drop to zero." Susheela V, the district coordinator of Spandana, an NGO working for children's welfare, added: "We regularly receive reports related to atrocities against children, including child marriages. After verifying these details, we inform the women and child welfare department, which then steps in." She, however, highlighted the need for govt departments to be more proactive.
