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The Journal
03-08-2025
- Politics
- The Journal
Israeli tactics leave dangerous security vacuum in Gaza which Hamas continues to exploit
Hana Salah Palestinian journalist ISRAEL'S CONTINUING ASSAULTS on Gaza cause daily devastations for the people of Palestine. The starvation of children has become the most visible and derided of those consequences. But last month's killing of 18 Palestinian humanitarian workers, allegedly by Hamas affiliates, also points to a less discussed impact: the dangers of escalating internal lawlessness due to Israel's systematic dismantling of the usual governance mechanisms in Gaza. The Independent Commission for Human Rights says Israeli strikes have systematically dismantled these mechanisms – by targeting police stations, courthouses and prisons. That has left a dangerous security vacuum. Hamas, and other gangs, continue to exploit the gap. On 11 June, at least 18 people working for the US-Israel backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) were killed when the bus they were travelling in was ambushed by gunmen. The incident received little media or public attention in June. What exactly happened on 11 June? According to family interviews and statements, the attackers stopped the bus and accused the workers of collaborating with Israel before unleashing a brutal assault that initially left 11 people dead. About another 17 were injured. Bereaved families now say that at least seven of those 17 were later killed later inside Nasser Hospital, where they had initially been taken for treatment, bringing the death toll to 18. No group has officially claimed responsibility but families of the victims say the attackers were members of the armed Sahem unit, which is affiliated with Hamas. The GHF claimed in a public statement that Hamas gunmen were behind the killings and called for an independent investigation. Hamas, which governs Gaza but has seen its authority fray during the war, has not commented publicly on the incident. However, survivors of the attack say they were targeted because the Sahem unit believed they were members of the Israel-backed Abu Shabab gang. Why were they targeting GHF workers? The GHF, which has controversially, ineffectively and dangerously become the sole provider of food aid in parts of Gaza after Israeli authorities restricted UN agency operations, has faced scrutiny from multiple sides. Some local groups accuse it of serving US interests and consider its operations as 'death traps' because of a lack of proper security protocols. The Palestinian workers were erroneously accused by the Hamas unit of being Abu Shabab gang members because of GHF's links to Israel. 'They were beaten, shot, humiliated' 'What happened was not a mistake. It was a crime,' says local journalist Alaa Al-Helou about the bus ambush. 'They were beaten, shot, humiliated — and then denied medical help in the hospital. And all because of a false accusation.' According to the families' statement, armed men stopped the GHF vehicle before beating the driver and passengers with sticks and rifle butts. They then shot some of them in the legs. Survivors say they were stripped of their belongings and dragged onto the street, where bystanders, incited by the attackers, joined in the assault. 'They forced us off the bus and made us lie on the ground. Then they began beating and shooting us, one by one,' said Younis Abu Shaloof, 18, and a survivor of the attack. 'When the armed men left, people thought we were part of Abu Shabab gang and collaborating with Israel and started hitting us too. The ambulance took us to hospital in Khan Younis.' Yousef was lucky as his family moved him from Nasser hospital in Kahn Younis to another field hospital in Deir Al-Balah, so he survived the second attack by the armed men in the hospital which killed at least seven others injured in the same incident. 'They hit me in the knee, and I passed out,'he recalls. 'When I came to, I saw another man next to me, bleeding from a gunshot wound to the head. 'I smeared some of his blood on my own head and rubbed sand over my face, hoping the gunmen would think I was already dead — so they wouldn't shoot me again and finish me off.' Contracting complications One source, who spoke to The Journal on condition of anonymity, said that the GHF had contracted a bus company for transportation and subcontracted Al-Khuzundar Company to supply the labourers. On 26 May 2025, the Al-Khozendar family — to which the head of the subcontractor company working with the GHF belongs — issued a public statement disowning Mohammad Mohsen Al-Khozendar for his alleged collaboration with a US firm involved in Israeli military projects. The statement, rooted in tribal and social norms in Gaza, condemned any logistical or engineering work that supports such initiatives as a betrayal of the Palestinian cause, and stressed that the company bearing the family name does not represent the family or its values. The transportation company, the source added, claimed it had been communicating with Hamas-affiliated internal security forces to coordinate the workers' movement in the designated humanitarian area. They also had an oral coordination with the Israeli army. Advertisement 'The Israeli army contacted the Palestinian coordinator (sub-contractor) through phone to allow or stop the movement but that doesn't guarantee the bus, or any coordinated movement is protected from strikes, shots, bombing,' the source added. Who knew about the bus movement at that hour? A member of another bereaved family said the bus had been waiting for coordination approval when the attack occurred. 'The bus was waiting for clearance, and the armed men struck nearly an hour after coordination calls began,' the source said. This could suggest that some security sources were already aware of its coordination request.' Youssef recalls the armed men asking them if they were with the Abu Shabab gang which is backed by the Israeli army. 'They asked us if we were working with Abu Shabab, but we denied,' Youssef said. 'I'm too afraid to leave my home now,' said the survivor Youssef. 'I will never work for the American organisation again. Better to die by an Israeli airstrike than be killed as a 'traitor' by our own people.' In the fragmented landscape of Gaza's ongoing war, the Abu Shabab militia has emerged as a controversial player, reportedly collaborating with Israeli forces while launching attacks on Hamas-linked units such as the Sahem Unit. The group is believed to be operating out of Rafah's eastern border and was formed during the current conflict. Its leader, Yasser Abu Shabab, 34, is now at the centre of fierce accusations from the Joint Operations Room of Palestinian Resistance Factions, which has charged him with treason and leading an illegal armed group. A Revolutionary Court has issued a 10-day deadline for his surrender, warning he will otherwise be tried in absentia. Security body seize bus Formally, no group has claimed responsibility. Hamas has not commented. The day after the incident, Abu Shabab denied the images of the killings showed members of its militia, according to EuroNews . But a month on from the attack, the Hamas Interior Ministry issued a statement banning all forms of collaboration or work with the GHF. The bus involved in the attack was seized by a security body in Gaza, according to sources. Witnesses said no one was allowed to approach the vehicle, and individuals who attempted to do so were reportedly beaten. There have been other killings of suspected Israel collaborators during the lawless chaos of the conflict. However, other innocent civilians have also been mistakenly targeted. On 26 September 2024, Islam Hejazi, Gaza Programme Director at the US-based charity Shifa' Palestine, was shot dead by armed men in Khan Younis, southern Gaza. Gunmen in three vehicles opened fire on the car she was travelling in, firing around 90 bullets. Her family said government officials later told them it was a case of mistaken identity — her vehicle had been wrongly suspected of resembling one linked to a wanted man accused of collaboration. Hejazi, a mother of two, was described by Shifa' Palestine as a dedicated humanitarian 'of the highest integrity and professionalism'. The charity said it remained committed to serving Gaza in her memory. Dismantling of public order In a strongly worded statement, the Independent Commission for Human Rights condemned the Khan Younis attack as an extrajudicial killing and a serious breach of international law. It warned of a disturbing rise in armed groups acting outside any official framework, and called for an urgent, independent investigation to restore public trust and uphold the rule of law. A lawyer associated with a human rights organisation in Gaza talked to The Journal on condition of anonymity due to potential risk to his safety, and said his organisation and others are working to document cases of extrajudicial killings and vigilante violence, but stressed the extreme difficulty of collecting accurate data during an ongoing war. 'It is nearly impossible to provide precise numbers at this stage,' he told The Journal. 'The war has made documentation extremely difficult — especially during the period when Gaza was effectively divided between the north and south.' He added that many killings have not been officially investigated by the Public Prosecution or the Ministry of Health, leaving their motives unclear. 'It is often unknown whether these were revenge attacks, personal disputes, or related to allegations of collaboration with the occupation,' he said. 'There are certainly killings, but in many cases, the reasons remain undetermined — particularly under the current conditions of war.' Looting During the 11 June, the Hamas unit targeted workers which the group erroneously identified as Israel collaborators. Meanwhile, the United Nations last week said that 766 aid-seeking Palestinians have been killed in the vicinity of GHF sites – mostly by the IDF. UN human rights office spokesman Thameen Al-Kheetan told the AFP news agency that these almost 800 victims were killed by Israeli military actions. That death toll has since increased. The collapse of civil order in Gaza has also been highlighted by the UN Protection Cluster, which warned that humanitarian efforts are being severely disrupted. In a recent update, the group said aid delivery is hindered not only by Israeli restrictions and access barriers, but also by growing lawlessness within Gaza, fuelled in part by Israeli strikes on civilian police infrastructure. It noted that the breakdown in law enforcement has led to increased looting and attacks on humanitarian convoys. The closure of the Rafah crossing since May 2024 — aside from limited evacuations of medical cases — has further compounded the crisis. Israeli military operations and an ongoing siege, particularly in northern Gaza since October, have deepened insecurity and worsened conditions for civilians and aid workers alike. Readers like you are keeping these stories free for everyone... 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The Journal
20-06-2025
- Politics
- The Journal
Gaza's blackouts: 'You might be killed for trying to have internet access at public points'
Hana Salah Palestinian journalist GAZA HAS BEEN offline completely for days at a time over the past month. Between 12 and 14 June, there was a full blackout across the the Strip. It takes me back to October 2023 when Israel's bombardment began and I vanished from the digital world because of the targeting of the main lines providing Gaza telecommunication companies with the internet. In the face of repeated communication blackouts in Gaza, eSIM cards have become the only lifeline for many. On 12 June, the Palestinian Telecommunications Regulatory Authority confirmed that all internet and landline services had been cut across Gaza following Israeli strikes on telecom infrastructure — part of what it described as a 'systematic targeting' that has digitally isolated the territory. With traditional networks down, digital SIM cards — often purchased abroad and activated by scanning a QR code — allowed some residents to connect to foreign networks, mainly Israeli or Egyptian. These fragile connections became critical for staying in touch with relatives or reporting the war's realities to the outside world. Back to October 2023, the network collapsed within days. I could no longer check in with my UN manager to say I was still alive — part of a daily headcount we'd become accustomed to. I couldn't even share my GPS location as my family and I fled from one strike zone to the next, obeying shifting evacuation orders or sudden strikes. Each move cut us off from what little protection systems we had. At one point, my manager offered me a satellite phone. But in Gaza, carrying one could get you killed. At hospitals and checkpoints, such devices are seen with suspicion especially by Hamas agents or militants — because they are often assumed to be used by spies. I refused to hold it. Instead, I relied on an eSIM — a digital SIM card — my American friend Aideen had given me. It worked, sometimes. I'd climb rooftops or stairwells, searching for the faintest signal. Occasionally, I could send a message, file a report, or simply say: 'We are still here, alive or just send them a funny emoji amid the hell.' (The editor of The Journal was also a frequent receiver of these messages, gifs and emojis.) But the risk never went away. During blackouts, even holding a phone in the wrong place could invite suspicion — or worse. To access the internet in Rafah, before it was evacuated, a mobile phone equipped with an eSIM was placed on top of a wooden pole outside a tent. The phone's signal was shared via hotspot to connect the displaced family living nearby. Aideen Byrne, 29, an international law expert based in the United States and a close friend, has been part of a volunteer initiative called Crips for eSIMs for Gaza. The group has distributed hundreds of eSIMs to journalists and civilians across Gaza — a quiet but vital effort to keep people connected in the darkest of times. We moved to new shelter in Deir al-Balah in November 2023, where my family sheltered in the middle of the Strip and the internet was even more unstable. The higher you went, the better the chance of catching a signal using the Israeli eSIM. But our building's rooftop was locked. Advertisement One neighbour kindly shared access to their connection — an act of quiet generosity in a war defined by loss. Weeks later, that rooftop was hit. Two rockets tore through it and our neighbour who provided me with the internet line was killed with his family while my family survived. I had just returned from searching for food. As I walked back toward the building, I heard the blast. Smoke rose from where my family had been sheltering. For a moment, I collapsed. My knees buckled under the fear that they were gone. Seconds later, I ran inside — alongside others — to help pull out the wounded. Somehow, my family survived. The strike appeared to target the telecommunications and internet relay equipment on the rooftop — a setup similar to many across Gaza in the early days of the war. These makeshift signal poles were often assumed to be linked to Hamas infrastructure, and as a result, rooftop communication devices became. In Gaza, for every story I reported, there were others I couldn't get to. Others I couldn't write. Not because they weren't happening — but because we were buried beneath silence. Fears around Internet cafés My colleague, the veteran journalist in Gaza Fathi Sabbah, 65, and his family were able to get eSIMs from the same project. He said internet connectivity when the blackout is forced by Israel is not the only reason for using the eSIMs. He also uses them to access the internet in public places as other access points pose a risk. Sabbah told me, 'Some public internet access points or cafés may themselves become targets to the Israeli drones. You might be killed for trying to have internet access there. 'Even going to a café carries real risk to our lives,' he explains. 'Even if there's internet in public cafes, we often avoid these places because they could be targeted — either because someone wanted by Israel might be inside, or simply nearby. Many people have lost their lives just by being there, even though they were civilians. 'We have seen massacres in an internet connection point were people gather around each other to be connected online. No one knows who is with you, so better to get your own internet point in the new displacement area/Tent.' Ashraf Amra, 38, who is currently reporting from Al-Jazeera has been able to send some voice notes over WhatsApp. 'The situation is very difficult as we are disconnected from the world, and it is very risky to go higher buildings to get better connection for the eSIM,' he said. Drones are watching us and could doubt our use and target us.' Other non-journalist civilians developed the use of the eSIMs too – like my friend AlMaza, 29, who was living in a tent near the Philadelphi Corridor, close to the Egyptian border in Rafah. With no stable internet access, her family improvised. They mounted a phone containing an eSIM on a tall wooden pole outside their shelter to catch even the faintest signal. Using the phone's hotspot connected to a basic router, they were able to distribute a fragile but essential internet connection throughout the tent. The setup gave them a few hours of connectivity at a time. When the battery drained, they'd lower the phone to recharge it — sometimes using a power bank, sometimes swapping devices. It was a lifeline not just to the outside world, but to hope. Salah is a Palestinian journalist and war survivor who reports on economics, conflict and development. Displaced during the Israeli assault on Gaza, she is now based in the UK. Her work has appeared in the LA Times, Al Jazeera, Al-Monitor, Channel 4 and other international outlets. Readers like you are keeping these stories free for everyone... A mix of advertising and supporting contributions helps keep paywalls away from valuable information like this article. Over 5,000 readers like you have already stepped up and support us with a monthly payment or a once-off donation. Learn More Support The Journal
