Latest news with #Hirak
Time of India
26-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
The Durgapur Press Club: A beacon of hope and custodian of culture in trying times
Hirak is an English Teacher, Published Author and Social Activist from Durgapur, West Bengal. Over the years he has had several of his articles published in various platforms, both electronic and printed. Growing up in a tier two city that was once a small town revolving around a steel mill, has given him a unique perspective on socio-economic patterns and human behaviour. He has been a keen observer of the many changes that the political tapestry of India has been through. The small cities and towns of India hardly hog the limelight when it comes to mainstream social commentaries. In his many travels through small towns, tier two cities and villages in his home State, Hirak has picked up stories of the people that are unique and interesting at once. His articles tend to portray these stories about the life and times of the forgotten people. Hirak believes that the middle class is essentially an estuary, a buffer layer of confluence between the upper-class gentry and the ever dominated hapless lower class. He intends to highlight the trials and tribulations of the middle class through his write-ups. LESS ... MORE Democracy is not known to move very fast, often lumbering on at a snail's pace. But it moves ahead, nonetheless, thanks in part to the Fourth Pillar or Fourth Estate—the Press. My burgeoning city, Durgapur, has been at the epicentre of change for the past many decades now. It has seen the coming and going of political regimes. It has been in the thick of high-pitched collisions between rival factions. And it has witnessed abrupt and often uncomfortable modernisation. What has remained resolute and steadfast in the face of every adversity, though, is the Durgapur Press Club. Alo is the Durgapur Press Club's unique initiative—an annual magazine that strives to tell the tale of the people of the Ruhr of Bengal and its underlying culture, shaped by centuries of mining, industrialization, and ethnic mingling. For years, it has served as an important platform for the artists, social workers, and journalists of the region, showcasing literary works and achievements that would have otherwise gone unnoticed in a very Kolkata-centric clatter. 2025 was earmarked for a more pronounced celebration of Alo. On the 23rd and May 24, Durgapur celebrated Alo Utsav 2025—a grand festival to commemorate, among other things, the contributions of the preeminent journalists and citizens of this region, and one hundred years of Raktakarabi, Tagore's timeless play, which continues to remain relevant in the current times. In a formal discussion at the newly inaugurated Press Club building ahead of the Alo Utsav, the senior journalists of Durgapur told me how the Durgapur Press Club has been more than a beacon of hope for the oft-ignored warriors of this region. 'When we read the news every morning, do we spare a thought for the people who braved so many odds to bring the important stories to us before our first cup of morning tea?' asked Sri Kanchan Siddiqui, a luminary journalist who has been at the forefront of all media-related efforts in the region. Under the auspices of senior pressmen like him, the Durgapur Press Club has grown into an overarching banyan tree shielding journalists from untoward incidents. Initiatives such as health insurance, safeguards against income loss, and—more than anything else—bringing together the entire press fraternity into one giant family have been transformative. Durgapur Press Club TV has been a major success with more and more people tuning into it every day for unadulterated news. Talking about the new Press Club building, celebrated journalist Sri Bikash Sen acknowledged the empathy and willingness shown by the Government of West Bengal and the Asansol Durgapur Development Authority in understanding the need for a proper building to house the association. 'It cost the government more than 2 crores to allocate land and raise the building. We are thankful to the administration and our Hon CM, Smt Mamata Banerjee, for going the extra mile to accommodate us,' said Sri Sen. In the coming times, the Durgapur Press Club plans to stir up a wave of counter-cultural movement aimed at preserving the socio-linguistic flavours of Rahr Bangla—the portion of the Chota Nagpur plateau encompassing Bengal's west and south districts. The aim is to uphold the region's cultural diversity in the face of rapid urbanisation—a seemingly unstoppable juggernaut that has been steamrolling all over the region, destroying rustic nuances in its path. This process has been going on since coal was first discovered in 1774 near Raniganj by John Sumner and Suetonius Grant Heatly of the East India Company. As colonial settlers and fortune seekers began settling in the area, the first people to be affected were the Santhals. With time, the marauding effects of abrupt industrialisation were tempered to a certain degree. A new localised culture was born out of the mingling of Bengalis, the many local tribes, and white European settlers. Among other places, Chelidanga of Asansol stands testament to that mingling, nestling a vibrant Anglo-Indian community. The post-Independence era saw the setting up of the Durgapur Steel Plant, and with it came a wave of settlers from the neighbouring state of Bihar, seeking work in a still-nascent industrial leviathan, away from the murderous coalfields. What exists now is a beautiful mélange born out of the continued mingling of Bengali and Hindi speakers. But that culture is under attack from a very metro-centric urbanisation now, and the Durgapur Press Club intends to shield the region from it. 'We want our Gen Z and the coming generations to be aware of the rich history of our treasured corner of Bengal. It's a microcosm, no less. And the youth need to understand that the socio-linguistic heritage of the Ruhr of Bengal is worth preserving,' remarked Sri Siddiqui. Democracy and culture thrive when the fourth pillar is strong and well-founded. And nothing can exemplify this fact more than the Durgapur Press Club and the people behind it. 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Morocco World
10-05-2025
- Politics
- Morocco World
Jailed Activist Nasser Zefzafi Allowed to Visit Sick Father in Al Hoceima
Rabat – The Moroccan prison authority has allowed detained activist Nasser Zefzafi to temporarily leave Tangier 2 prison to visit his sick father, Ahmed Zefzafi, in a private clinic in Al Hoceima. Nasser's brother, Tarek Zefzafi, shared the news in a Facebook post on Friday, noting that the visit came after a request made by Nasser earlier that day. The Zefzafi family welcomed the decision and described it as a gesture of compassion and humanity. According to Tarek, the visit brought comfort to both Nasser and his ailing father. 'The family appreciated and welcomed this step, which brought joy to our father and gave him a much-needed psychological boost to face his illness,' he wrote. Nasser Zefzafi is one of the most prominent figures of the Hirak Rif movement, a wave of protests that swept the Al Hoceima region in northern Morocco following the death of local fish vendor Mohcine Fikri in October 2016. Fikri died after he was crushed in a garbage truck while trying to retrieve his confiscated fish. His death sparked public outrage and triggered large-scale protests demanding justice, jobs, better healthcare, and improved infrastructure in the Rif region. Zefzafi was arrested in May 2017 after interrupting a Friday sermon at a mosque in Al Hoceima and accusing the imam of delivering a politically charged message against the protest movement. Authorities later accused him of undermining state security and organizing unauthorized protests. In June 2018, a court in Casablanca sentenced Zefzafi and three other Hirak activists to 20 years in prison. The court handed down sentences ranging from 1 to 20 years to 54 activists in total, in a trial that sparked widespread criticism from local and international human rights organizations. Despite the passage of time, human rights groups and supporters continue to call for the release of Hirak detainees. Tags: Hirak RifNasser Zefzafi
Arab News
24-04-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
Amnesty denounces Algeria over ‘alarming' crackdown
TUNIS: Amnesty International on Thursday denounced what it called a 'crackdown on peaceful dissent' in Algeria in response to an online protest campaign.'Algerian authorities have intensified their relentless clampdown on peaceful dissent through arbitrary arrests and unjust prosecutions leading to lengthy prison sentences,' the rights group said in a said the authorities have arrested and sentenced at least 23 activists and journalists over their purported support for an online protest movement dubbed Manich Radi (which loosely translates as 'I do not agree').The campaign, Amnesty said, was launched in December 2024 'to denounce restrictions on human rights and difficult socioeconomic conditions in the country.'Amnesty said the 23 were detained 'solely for the peaceful exercise of their human rights.'Its regional director for the Middle East and North Africa Heba Morayef said: 'The trajectory of suffocating online activism pursued by the Algerian authorities is alarming and must be reversed.'Nothing can justify detaining and jailing people solely for having expressed dissatisfaction about political and socioeconomic conditions,' she crackdown coincided with the lead-up to the sixth anniversary in February of the pro-democracy Hirak singled out accelerated judicial procedures, which it said did not give several detainees time for adequate several cases, it cited the March sentencing of activists Soheib Debbaghi and Mahdi Bazizi to 18-month jail terms for their ties to the 'Manich Radi' was convicted of 'publishing content harmful to national interest,' Amnesty urged the authorities in Algeria to 'end their crackdown on peaceful dissent and stop punishing the legitimate exercise of the right to freedom of expression.'
Arab News
20-04-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
What next for Algeria-France ties?
Algeria's relationship with France has never escaped the burdensome gravity of their shared colonial past. More than 60 years after Algeria's bloody war of independence, the wounds remain raw and deeply politicized. France's 132-year occupation (1830 to 1962) was marked by land expropriation, brutal repression and a war that Algerians say killed more than a million of their people. To this day, the Algerian state enshrines the memory of resistance and martyrs as a foundational narrative. In turn, many in France still struggle to fully acknowledge the crimes of colonialism, caught between guilt and a lingering imperial amnesia. This fundamental disconnect poisons bilateral relations and makes any 'normal' friendship elusive. Each country accuses the other of weaponizing history. However, while historical wounds might set the stage, recent years have provided plenty of fresh reasons for acrimony. They have, in particular, seen a series of flashpoints that repeatedly derailed attempts at some of detente, beginning with the Hirak movement, where France found itself on the wrong side of public opinion. Then came the migration visa feud of 2021. Facing pressure from anti-immigrant factions at home, French President Emmanuel Macron's government announced drastic cuts in the number of visas for Algerian (and other Maghreb) nationals, ostensibly to punish Algiers for refusing to readmit Algerians deported from France. This unilateral squeeze — slashing visas by half — struck a nerve. Travel to France, whether for study, work or family visits, is a lifeline for many Algerians given the deep human ties between the countries. Algiers blasted the move as an 'unjustified' collective punishment and again recalled its ambassador in protest. This visa 'war' showed how the migration issue had become a volatile proxy battle in the relationship, entangling domestic politics with diplomacy. Yet amid these quarrels, and rather surprisingly, both sides have also tried to patch things up when interests dictate. In late 2022, for instance, Macron and Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune professed a desire to turn the page. Macron visited Algiers with great fanfare, calling Algeria a 'friend' and announcing a 'new pact' of partnership. The optics were positive: smiling leaders, floral wreaths, joint declarations about youth exchanges and even a commission of historians to jointly examine the colonial era. The thaw, however, was painfully short-lived. Yet again, Algeria and France became trapped in the fallout from a perpetual trust deficit that runs so deep that even goodwill gestures can be undone overnight by a single provocation. Underlying much of this tension is the politically charged issue of migration. France is home to a vast Algerian diaspora — by some counts, nearly a million French citizens are dual nationals of Algeria and several million more residents trace their family origins to Algeria. These human links are a living legacy of colonialism and a permanent source of both connection and friction. On the one hand, the Algerian diaspora in France serves as a bridge between the societies; on the other, it is a lightning rod in French domestic politics, often reflected in debates over immigration, integration and national identity. As French politics has drifted right in recent years, anti-immigrant sentiment has surged and French politicians have frequently singled out North African migrants for criticism. Algeria, not surprisingly, chafes at such treatment. It refuses to be cast as a source of illegal migration and routinely demands that France treat Algerian travelers with dignity. Moreover, Algiers has its own political calculations: cooperating too eagerly with French deportation requests risks playing into Macron's narrative and angers the Algerian public, who view France's deportations as selectively targeting their community. True normalization would require a level of trust and mutual understanding that simply does not exist. Hafed Al-Ghwell Against a backdrop of recurring crises, one must ask: will Algeria-France relations ever normalize? At present, the prospects are dim. True normalization would require a level of trust and mutual understanding that simply does not exist. It would mean France finally coming to terms with its colonial legacy in a way that satisfies Algerian demands — something no French leader, not even Macron in his boldest moments, has been willing or able to do. It would also mean Algeria's leadership overcoming its reflexive suspicion of French motives and ceasing to use France as a convenient foil for domestic legitimacy. Neither scenario appears likely in the near term. Instead, both governments essentially remain prisoners of history and politics. France cannot apologize for the past without igniting a firestorm at home. On the other hand, Algeria's government, dominated by the old military-political elite, cannot relinquish its revolutionary narrative or suddenly forgive France. Its raison d'etre is arguably built on having vanquished colonialism. Any Algerian leader seen as being too cozy with Paris risks being denounced as a traitor by rivals at home. Thus, the status quo, as frustrating as it is, creates a strange 'stability' — each side can blame the other for the lack of progress and each derives certain benefits from continued tension. French politicians score cheap points by posturing against Algerian 'ingratitude' or 'mass immigration,' while Algerian officials burnish their nationalist credentials by defying 'neocolonial' France. It is a bitter embrace indeed — neither ally nor outright enemy, locked together by shared history but separated by mistrust. To be certain, a complete rupture is not on the horizon either. The two countries are too entwined to fully divorce. Economic ties, for one, are resilient: bilateral trade is nearing €12 billion ($13.6 billion) a year and growing, proof that business can boom even when politics bust. Energy interdependence could still exert a calming influence; if Europe's need for Algerian gas increases, France might find common cause with Algiers in spite of everything. Moreover, there remains a genuine fondness between the French and Algerian peoples on many levels, such as familial bonds, cultural affinities and a shared language. These connections act as a subtle brake on the worst impulses of politicians on either side of the Mediterranean. After all, completely severing relations would be mutually destructive, and both capitals know it. Thus, we are likely to see continued oscillation between quarrel and quiet cooperation, rather than a clean break or a clean slate. In diplomatic backchannels, some level of engagement will endure — intelligence agencies sharing notes on terror threats, for example, or companies quietly negotiating contracts. But 'normalization' in the full sense — where France and Algeria trust each other, work in tandem and put aside historical grudges — remains a mirage. Will they ever? The current trajectory suggests not soon. 'Mending the rift' will require far more than warm words and state visits; it would demand brave, perhaps radical, changes in attitude on both sides. In today's climate — of France's tilt toward right-wing 'knee-jerkism' and Algeria jealously guarding its revolutionary pride — such changes are hard to imagine. Instead, one foresees continued estrangement punctuated by periodic thaws that ultimately disappoint. The rift, in short, is here to stay.
Ya Biladi
19-03-2025
- Politics
- Ya Biladi
«I have plenty of money in Morocco», says Saïd Chaou as his drug trial begins in the Netherlands
The trial of former Moroccan MP Saïd Chaou began Monday in Breda, Netherlands, Dutch media reported. With the start of the long-awaited trial, Chaou, along with 15 other co-defendants, is facing allegations of drug trafficking, money laundering, and membership in a criminal organization. This trial follows a major police operation in 2015 that dismantled a group operating in West Brabant, involved in cannabis cultivation, export, and illegal sales. The defendants, including several of Saïd Chaou's family members, allegedly earned millions from a cannabis farm in Sprundel and exported the drugs to France. They also operated two grow shops in Etten-Leur, a municipality in the Dutch province North Brabant, where police found 100 kilos of cannabis. Notably, twelve of the suspects did not appear in court, with some expected to remain absent throughout the trial, which will last until early April. In court, Saïd Chaou addressed the allegations of money laundering, where the prosecution is seeking to recover €338,000 from him. The funds in question reportedly came from criminal activities, which were deposited into his private accounts. This money was used for purchases, including a BMW X5 and part of his house in Roosendaal. The court questioned Chaou, as there was no evidence of regular income, such as from his travel agency or ferry service in Morocco, to explain these expenditures. «I trade in oranges and mint, and I also sell many sheep and lambs for the Eid al-Adha festival. That's very profitable», Chaou calmly responded. «I have plenty of money in Morocco. I'm a well-known businessman in El Hoceima. The culture there is different. Everyone pays cash, and no one pays taxes on agricultural products», he claimed. Diplomatic tensions surrounding Chaou's trial The investigation into Saïd Chaou and his associates has taken nearly a decade, and the prosecution will explain the reasons for the lengthy process when the sentencing demands are made. Dutch media suspects that the reasons for the delay could include political sensitivities surrounding the case, in addition to the COVID-19 pandemic. Indeed, Chaou has been at the center of diplomatic sensitivities between Morocco and the Netherlands. Saïd Chaou was the subject of two international arrest warrants issued by the Moroccan justice system: one for «criminal conspiracy» in 2010 and another for «international drug trafficking» in 2015. He fled Morocco in 2010 following the dismantling of the Zaïmi drug baron network and has since been living in the Netherlands. In October 2018, the Dutch authorities refused to extradite him to Morocco, which pushed Rabat to recall its ambassador to the Hague. Chaou is also a vocal critic of the Moroccan government, serving as the spokesperson and main sponsor of the «18th September Movement», which calls for the independence of the Rif region and emerged during the early days of the Hirak movement. Saïd Chaou was born in the Rif region of Morocco and emigrated to the Netherlands, where he lived with his family in Roosendaal for many years. He ran a coffeeshop until he lost his license at the end of the 1990s. Afterward, he returned to Morocco, where he became involved in business and even served as a member of parliament for a time.
