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The Advertiser
17-05-2025
- Politics
- The Advertiser
Why history might hold the answer for stricken Liberals
Those who forget history are doomed to repeat it, as the aphorism goes. For the Liberal Party, the lessons to be learned after a historic election defeat eerily resemble a re-run of a schooling the party received decades earlier. Women and young people abandoned the conservatives, multicultural communities lost faith and there was a prominent drop in support among metropolitan voters. Those findings from a 1983 review into the blistering election defeat of then-Liberal prime minister Malcolm Fraser mirror problems raised by party members after the party's 2025 loss. Fresh thinking was needed, the talents of women should be better utilised and there had to be better communication with young people, then-Liberal president John Valder found, noting parties that ignored change didn't survive. One of those points has been addressed after the most recent electoral defeat with the appointment of Sussan Ley as the first female leader of the federal Liberals. But she still faces a monumental challenge with a loss of frontbench talent and the need to re-establish what the Liberals stand for with voters, experts and party insiders say. The wipeout under Peter Dutton on May 3 was proportionally worse than Mr Fraser's defeat, reducing the Liberals to just 30 per cent of lower house seats - its worst position in the post-war era. In addition to their greater parliamentary presence, the 1983 Liberals also retained a lot more experience on their front bench, political historian Josh Black said. There was "an obvious dearth of apparent talent" this time around, meaning the path forward would need to be different, he told AAP. Outgoing Liberal prime minister Scott Morrison was criticised in the aftermath of his 2022 defeat - at that time the party's worst in 70 years - for abandoning inner-city seats that were won by teal independents and instead targeting the outer suburbs. Mr Dutton has been accused of unsuccessfully trying the same playbook that backfired three years earlier. But the outer suburbs targeted by the coalition were no longer the working-class areas successfully won over by former Liberal prime minister John Howard, pollster Kos Samaras said. They were now incredibly diverse, often populated by young, immigrant families. Liberals who thought Howard-era thinking still prevailed were "quite ignorant of the Australia they live in", Mr Samaras said. The party needed to become more empathetic and tolerant, including by abandoning its perceived anti-immigration sentiments, he said. Young, working-class men of Indian heritage in their 20s and 30s, who on the face of it might vote Liberal, did not rally behind the party. When asked why, they would reply, "Oh, they don't like us", Mr Samaras added. "(The Liberals are) going to have to grab that dog whistle, dig a big hole and bury it and never dig it up again," he said. Some among the Liberals question how the party of Robert Menzies, which was formed in conjunction with the Australian Women's National League, also failed to appeal to the female demographic so badly. There was no clear start to the Liberals' women problem but rather decades of incremental decisions, Dr Black said. Challenges started emerging by the 1970s, when that generation of Liberal politicians were less comfortable sharing power with women compared to those in the Menzies era, he said. By the 1990s, the Liberals were adamant about not moving to a quota system for pre-selecting women despite the Labor Party making the change. Senior conservative Liberals also came out in the 2000s against issues like easier access to abortions, he said. "There are key milestones like this that meant by the 2010s, a real women problem had emerged," Dr Black added. Western Sydney MP Melissa McIntosh, one of the few Liberals to hold their outer-suburban seats, said her party had already heeded the message from the election by electing its first female leader. But it still needed to do a better job communicating what it stood for, she said. "We have beliefs that women would resonate with talking about equality for all, that's a core belief of the Liberal Party," she said. The Liberals also face a cultural shift, with support for the party plummeting among millennial and Gen Z voters, many of whom have turned to minor parties or independents. They included people who can't afford a house and the first generation facing a future in which they would be worse off than their parents, Mr Samaras said. That cohort of voters did not share the same views as baby boomers had when they were younger, he said, changing the Liberals path back to government compared to the post-Fraser years. The last time the Liberals were down as low, they were consigned to 13 years in opposition and five consecutive election defeats before Mr Howard's 1996 victory. Ms Ley has already made history once by becoming leader and she will need to do it again if she wants to avoid a repeat of the party's last stint in the wilderness. Those who forget history are doomed to repeat it, as the aphorism goes. For the Liberal Party, the lessons to be learned after a historic election defeat eerily resemble a re-run of a schooling the party received decades earlier. Women and young people abandoned the conservatives, multicultural communities lost faith and there was a prominent drop in support among metropolitan voters. Those findings from a 1983 review into the blistering election defeat of then-Liberal prime minister Malcolm Fraser mirror problems raised by party members after the party's 2025 loss. Fresh thinking was needed, the talents of women should be better utilised and there had to be better communication with young people, then-Liberal president John Valder found, noting parties that ignored change didn't survive. One of those points has been addressed after the most recent electoral defeat with the appointment of Sussan Ley as the first female leader of the federal Liberals. But she still faces a monumental challenge with a loss of frontbench talent and the need to re-establish what the Liberals stand for with voters, experts and party insiders say. The wipeout under Peter Dutton on May 3 was proportionally worse than Mr Fraser's defeat, reducing the Liberals to just 30 per cent of lower house seats - its worst position in the post-war era. In addition to their greater parliamentary presence, the 1983 Liberals also retained a lot more experience on their front bench, political historian Josh Black said. There was "an obvious dearth of apparent talent" this time around, meaning the path forward would need to be different, he told AAP. Outgoing Liberal prime minister Scott Morrison was criticised in the aftermath of his 2022 defeat - at that time the party's worst in 70 years - for abandoning inner-city seats that were won by teal independents and instead targeting the outer suburbs. Mr Dutton has been accused of unsuccessfully trying the same playbook that backfired three years earlier. But the outer suburbs targeted by the coalition were no longer the working-class areas successfully won over by former Liberal prime minister John Howard, pollster Kos Samaras said. They were now incredibly diverse, often populated by young, immigrant families. Liberals who thought Howard-era thinking still prevailed were "quite ignorant of the Australia they live in", Mr Samaras said. The party needed to become more empathetic and tolerant, including by abandoning its perceived anti-immigration sentiments, he said. Young, working-class men of Indian heritage in their 20s and 30s, who on the face of it might vote Liberal, did not rally behind the party. When asked why, they would reply, "Oh, they don't like us", Mr Samaras added. "(The Liberals are) going to have to grab that dog whistle, dig a big hole and bury it and never dig it up again," he said. Some among the Liberals question how the party of Robert Menzies, which was formed in conjunction with the Australian Women's National League, also failed to appeal to the female demographic so badly. There was no clear start to the Liberals' women problem but rather decades of incremental decisions, Dr Black said. Challenges started emerging by the 1970s, when that generation of Liberal politicians were less comfortable sharing power with women compared to those in the Menzies era, he said. By the 1990s, the Liberals were adamant about not moving to a quota system for pre-selecting women despite the Labor Party making the change. Senior conservative Liberals also came out in the 2000s against issues like easier access to abortions, he said. "There are key milestones like this that meant by the 2010s, a real women problem had emerged," Dr Black added. Western Sydney MP Melissa McIntosh, one of the few Liberals to hold their outer-suburban seats, said her party had already heeded the message from the election by electing its first female leader. But it still needed to do a better job communicating what it stood for, she said. "We have beliefs that women would resonate with talking about equality for all, that's a core belief of the Liberal Party," she said. The Liberals also face a cultural shift, with support for the party plummeting among millennial and Gen Z voters, many of whom have turned to minor parties or independents. They included people who can't afford a house and the first generation facing a future in which they would be worse off than their parents, Mr Samaras said. That cohort of voters did not share the same views as baby boomers had when they were younger, he said, changing the Liberals path back to government compared to the post-Fraser years. The last time the Liberals were down as low, they were consigned to 13 years in opposition and five consecutive election defeats before Mr Howard's 1996 victory. Ms Ley has already made history once by becoming leader and she will need to do it again if she wants to avoid a repeat of the party's last stint in the wilderness. Those who forget history are doomed to repeat it, as the aphorism goes. For the Liberal Party, the lessons to be learned after a historic election defeat eerily resemble a re-run of a schooling the party received decades earlier. Women and young people abandoned the conservatives, multicultural communities lost faith and there was a prominent drop in support among metropolitan voters. Those findings from a 1983 review into the blistering election defeat of then-Liberal prime minister Malcolm Fraser mirror problems raised by party members after the party's 2025 loss. Fresh thinking was needed, the talents of women should be better utilised and there had to be better communication with young people, then-Liberal president John Valder found, noting parties that ignored change didn't survive. One of those points has been addressed after the most recent electoral defeat with the appointment of Sussan Ley as the first female leader of the federal Liberals. But she still faces a monumental challenge with a loss of frontbench talent and the need to re-establish what the Liberals stand for with voters, experts and party insiders say. The wipeout under Peter Dutton on May 3 was proportionally worse than Mr Fraser's defeat, reducing the Liberals to just 30 per cent of lower house seats - its worst position in the post-war era. In addition to their greater parliamentary presence, the 1983 Liberals also retained a lot more experience on their front bench, political historian Josh Black said. There was "an obvious dearth of apparent talent" this time around, meaning the path forward would need to be different, he told AAP. Outgoing Liberal prime minister Scott Morrison was criticised in the aftermath of his 2022 defeat - at that time the party's worst in 70 years - for abandoning inner-city seats that were won by teal independents and instead targeting the outer suburbs. Mr Dutton has been accused of unsuccessfully trying the same playbook that backfired three years earlier. But the outer suburbs targeted by the coalition were no longer the working-class areas successfully won over by former Liberal prime minister John Howard, pollster Kos Samaras said. They were now incredibly diverse, often populated by young, immigrant families. Liberals who thought Howard-era thinking still prevailed were "quite ignorant of the Australia they live in", Mr Samaras said. The party needed to become more empathetic and tolerant, including by abandoning its perceived anti-immigration sentiments, he said. Young, working-class men of Indian heritage in their 20s and 30s, who on the face of it might vote Liberal, did not rally behind the party. When asked why, they would reply, "Oh, they don't like us", Mr Samaras added. "(The Liberals are) going to have to grab that dog whistle, dig a big hole and bury it and never dig it up again," he said. Some among the Liberals question how the party of Robert Menzies, which was formed in conjunction with the Australian Women's National League, also failed to appeal to the female demographic so badly. There was no clear start to the Liberals' women problem but rather decades of incremental decisions, Dr Black said. Challenges started emerging by the 1970s, when that generation of Liberal politicians were less comfortable sharing power with women compared to those in the Menzies era, he said. By the 1990s, the Liberals were adamant about not moving to a quota system for pre-selecting women despite the Labor Party making the change. Senior conservative Liberals also came out in the 2000s against issues like easier access to abortions, he said. "There are key milestones like this that meant by the 2010s, a real women problem had emerged," Dr Black added. Western Sydney MP Melissa McIntosh, one of the few Liberals to hold their outer-suburban seats, said her party had already heeded the message from the election by electing its first female leader. But it still needed to do a better job communicating what it stood for, she said. "We have beliefs that women would resonate with talking about equality for all, that's a core belief of the Liberal Party," she said. The Liberals also face a cultural shift, with support for the party plummeting among millennial and Gen Z voters, many of whom have turned to minor parties or independents. They included people who can't afford a house and the first generation facing a future in which they would be worse off than their parents, Mr Samaras said. That cohort of voters did not share the same views as baby boomers had when they were younger, he said, changing the Liberals path back to government compared to the post-Fraser years. The last time the Liberals were down as low, they were consigned to 13 years in opposition and five consecutive election defeats before Mr Howard's 1996 victory. Ms Ley has already made history once by becoming leader and she will need to do it again if she wants to avoid a repeat of the party's last stint in the wilderness. Those who forget history are doomed to repeat it, as the aphorism goes. For the Liberal Party, the lessons to be learned after a historic election defeat eerily resemble a re-run of a schooling the party received decades earlier. Women and young people abandoned the conservatives, multicultural communities lost faith and there was a prominent drop in support among metropolitan voters. Those findings from a 1983 review into the blistering election defeat of then-Liberal prime minister Malcolm Fraser mirror problems raised by party members after the party's 2025 loss. Fresh thinking was needed, the talents of women should be better utilised and there had to be better communication with young people, then-Liberal president John Valder found, noting parties that ignored change didn't survive. One of those points has been addressed after the most recent electoral defeat with the appointment of Sussan Ley as the first female leader of the federal Liberals. But she still faces a monumental challenge with a loss of frontbench talent and the need to re-establish what the Liberals stand for with voters, experts and party insiders say. The wipeout under Peter Dutton on May 3 was proportionally worse than Mr Fraser's defeat, reducing the Liberals to just 30 per cent of lower house seats - its worst position in the post-war era. In addition to their greater parliamentary presence, the 1983 Liberals also retained a lot more experience on their front bench, political historian Josh Black said. There was "an obvious dearth of apparent talent" this time around, meaning the path forward would need to be different, he told AAP. Outgoing Liberal prime minister Scott Morrison was criticised in the aftermath of his 2022 defeat - at that time the party's worst in 70 years - for abandoning inner-city seats that were won by teal independents and instead targeting the outer suburbs. Mr Dutton has been accused of unsuccessfully trying the same playbook that backfired three years earlier. But the outer suburbs targeted by the coalition were no longer the working-class areas successfully won over by former Liberal prime minister John Howard, pollster Kos Samaras said. They were now incredibly diverse, often populated by young, immigrant families. Liberals who thought Howard-era thinking still prevailed were "quite ignorant of the Australia they live in", Mr Samaras said. The party needed to become more empathetic and tolerant, including by abandoning its perceived anti-immigration sentiments, he said. Young, working-class men of Indian heritage in their 20s and 30s, who on the face of it might vote Liberal, did not rally behind the party. When asked why, they would reply, "Oh, they don't like us", Mr Samaras added. "(The Liberals are) going to have to grab that dog whistle, dig a big hole and bury it and never dig it up again," he said. Some among the Liberals question how the party of Robert Menzies, which was formed in conjunction with the Australian Women's National League, also failed to appeal to the female demographic so badly. There was no clear start to the Liberals' women problem but rather decades of incremental decisions, Dr Black said. Challenges started emerging by the 1970s, when that generation of Liberal politicians were less comfortable sharing power with women compared to those in the Menzies era, he said. By the 1990s, the Liberals were adamant about not moving to a quota system for pre-selecting women despite the Labor Party making the change. Senior conservative Liberals also came out in the 2000s against issues like easier access to abortions, he said. "There are key milestones like this that meant by the 2010s, a real women problem had emerged," Dr Black added. Western Sydney MP Melissa McIntosh, one of the few Liberals to hold their outer-suburban seats, said her party had already heeded the message from the election by electing its first female leader. But it still needed to do a better job communicating what it stood for, she said. "We have beliefs that women would resonate with talking about equality for all, that's a core belief of the Liberal Party," she said. The Liberals also face a cultural shift, with support for the party plummeting among millennial and Gen Z voters, many of whom have turned to minor parties or independents. They included people who can't afford a house and the first generation facing a future in which they would be worse off than their parents, Mr Samaras said. That cohort of voters did not share the same views as baby boomers had when they were younger, he said, changing the Liberals path back to government compared to the post-Fraser years. The last time the Liberals were down as low, they were consigned to 13 years in opposition and five consecutive election defeats before Mr Howard's 1996 victory. Ms Ley has already made history once by becoming leader and she will need to do it again if she wants to avoid a repeat of the party's last stint in the wilderness.
West Australian
16-05-2025
- Politics
- West Australian
Why history might hold the answer for stricken Liberals
Those who forget history are doomed to repeat it, as the aphorism goes. For the Liberal Party, the lessons to be learned after a historic election defeat eerily resemble a re-run of a schooling the party received decades earlier. Women and young people abandoned the conservatives, multicultural communities lost faith and there was a prominent drop in support among metropolitan voters. Those findings from a 1983 review into the blistering election defeat of then-Liberal prime minister Malcolm Fraser mirror problems raised by party members after the party's 2025 loss. Fresh thinking was needed, the talents of women should be better utilised and there had to be better communication with young people, then-Liberal president John Valder found, noting parties that ignored change didn't survive. One of those points has been addressed after the most recent electoral defeat with the appointment of Sussan Ley as the first female leader of the federal Liberals. But she still faces a monumental challenge with a loss of frontbench talent and the need to re-establish what the Liberals stand for with voters, experts and party insiders say. The wipeout under Peter Dutton on May 3 was proportionally worse than Mr Fraser's defeat, reducing the Liberals to just 30 per cent of lower house seats - its worst position in the post-war era. In addition to their greater parliamentary presence, the 1983 Liberals also retained a lot more experience on their front bench, political historian Josh Black said. There was "an obvious dearth of apparent talent" this time around, meaning the path forward would need to be different, he told AAP. Outgoing Liberal prime minister Scott Morrison was criticised in the aftermath of his 2022 defeat - at that time the party's worst in 70 years - for abandoning inner-city seats that were won by teal independents and instead targeting the outer suburbs. Mr Dutton has been accused of unsuccessfully trying the same playbook that backfired three years earlier. But the outer suburbs targeted by the coalition were no longer the working-class areas successfully won over by former Liberal prime minister John Howard, pollster Kos Samaras said. They were now incredibly diverse, often populated by young, immigrant families. Liberals who thought Howard-era thinking still prevailed were "quite ignorant of the Australia they live in", Mr Samaras said. The party needed to become more empathetic and tolerant, including by abandoning its perceived anti-immigration sentiments, he said. Young, working-class men of Indian heritage in their 20s and 30s, who on the face of it might vote Liberal, did not rally behind the party. When asked why, they would reply, "Oh, they don't like us", Mr Samaras added. "(The Liberals are) going to have to grab that dog whistle, dig a big hole and bury it and never dig it up again," he said. Some among the Liberals question how the party of Robert Menzies, which was formed in conjunction with the Australian Women's National League, also failed to appeal to the female demographic so badly. There was no clear start to the Liberals' women problem but rather decades of incremental decisions, Dr Black said. Challenges started emerging by the 1970s, when that generation of Liberal politicians were less comfortable sharing power with women compared to those in the Menzies era, he said. By the 1990s, the Liberals were adamant about not moving to a quota system for pre-selecting women despite the Labor Party making the change. Senior conservative Liberals also came out in the 2000s against issues like easier access to abortions, he said. "There are key milestones like this that meant by the 2010s, a real women problem had emerged," Dr Black added. Western Sydney MP Melissa McIntosh, one of the few Liberals to hold their outer-suburban seats, said her party had already heeded the message from the election by electing its first female leader. But it still needed to do a better job communicating what it stood for, she said. "We have beliefs that women would resonate with talking about equality for all, that's a core belief of the Liberal Party," she said. The Liberals also face a cultural shift, with support for the party plummeting among millennial and Gen Z voters, many of whom have turned to minor parties or independents. They included people who can't afford a house and the first generation facing a future in which they would be worse off than their parents, Mr Samaras said. That cohort of voters did not share the same views as baby boomers had when they were younger, he said, changing the Liberals path back to government compared to the post-Fraser years. The last time the Liberals were down as low, they were consigned to 13 years in opposition and five consecutive election defeats before Mr Howard's 1996 victory. Ms Ley has already made history once by becoming leader and she will need to do it again if she wants to avoid a repeat of the party's last stint in the wilderness.
Perth Now
16-05-2025
- Politics
- Perth Now
Why history might hold the answer for stricken Liberals
Those who forget history are doomed to repeat it, as the aphorism goes. For the Liberal Party, the lessons to be learned after a historic election defeat eerily resemble a re-run of a schooling the party received decades earlier. Women and young people abandoned the conservatives, multicultural communities lost faith and there was a prominent drop in support among metropolitan voters. Those findings from a 1983 review into the blistering election defeat of then-Liberal prime minister Malcolm Fraser mirror problems raised by party members after the party's 2025 loss. Fresh thinking was needed, the talents of women should be better utilised and there had to be better communication with young people, then-Liberal president John Valder found, noting parties that ignored change didn't survive. One of those points has been addressed after the most recent electoral defeat with the appointment of Sussan Ley as the first female leader of the federal Liberals. But she still faces a monumental challenge with a loss of frontbench talent and the need to re-establish what the Liberals stand for with voters, experts and party insiders say. The wipeout under Peter Dutton on May 3 was proportionally worse than Mr Fraser's defeat, reducing the Liberals to just 30 per cent of lower house seats - its worst position in the post-war era. In addition to their greater parliamentary presence, the 1983 Liberals also retained a lot more experience on their front bench, political historian Josh Black said. There was "an obvious dearth of apparent talent" this time around, meaning the path forward would need to be different, he told AAP. Outgoing Liberal prime minister Scott Morrison was criticised in the aftermath of his 2022 defeat - at that time the party's worst in 70 years - for abandoning inner-city seats that were won by teal independents and instead targeting the outer suburbs. Mr Dutton has been accused of unsuccessfully trying the same playbook that backfired three years earlier. But the outer suburbs targeted by the coalition were no longer the working-class areas successfully won over by former Liberal prime minister John Howard, pollster Kos Samaras said. They were now incredibly diverse, often populated by young, immigrant families. Liberals who thought Howard-era thinking still prevailed were "quite ignorant of the Australia they live in", Mr Samaras said. The party needed to become more empathetic and tolerant, including by abandoning its perceived anti-immigration sentiments, he said. Young, working-class men of Indian heritage in their 20s and 30s, who on the face of it might vote Liberal, did not rally behind the party. When asked why, they would reply, "Oh, they don't like us", Mr Samaras added. "(The Liberals are) going to have to grab that dog whistle, dig a big hole and bury it and never dig it up again," he said. Some among the Liberals question how the party of Robert Menzies, which was formed in conjunction with the Australian Women's National League, also failed to appeal to the female demographic so badly. There was no clear start to the Liberals' women problem but rather decades of incremental decisions, Dr Black said. Challenges started emerging by the 1970s, when that generation of Liberal politicians were less comfortable sharing power with women compared to those in the Menzies era, he said. By the 1990s, the Liberals were adamant about not moving to a quota system for pre-selecting women despite the Labor Party making the change. Senior conservative Liberals also came out in the 2000s against issues like easier access to abortions, he said. "There are key milestones like this that meant by the 2010s, a real women problem had emerged," Dr Black added. Western Sydney MP Melissa McIntosh, one of the few Liberals to hold their outer-suburban seats, said her party had already heeded the message from the election by electing its first female leader. But it still needed to do a better job communicating what it stood for, she said. "We have beliefs that women would resonate with talking about equality for all, that's a core belief of the Liberal Party," she said. The Liberals also face a cultural shift, with support for the party plummeting among millennial and Gen Z voters, many of whom have turned to minor parties or independents. They included people who can't afford a house and the first generation facing a future in which they would be worse off than their parents, Mr Samaras said. That cohort of voters did not share the same views as baby boomers had when they were younger, he said, changing the Liberals path back to government compared to the post-Fraser years. The last time the Liberals were down as low, they were consigned to 13 years in opposition and five consecutive election defeats before Mr Howard's 1996 victory. Ms Ley has already made history once by becoming leader and she will need to do it again if she wants to avoid a repeat of the party's last stint in the wilderness.
The Guardian
24-04-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
Morning Mail: Candidates in uniform, election battle of the burbs, Trump's plea to Putin
Morning everyone. As the Anzac Day commemorations get under way, the defence department has issued a plea for veterans running in the federal election not to use pictures of themselves in uniform in campaign material. We're also reporting on the tussle for votes in outer suburban electorates, how Donald Trump asked 'Vladimir' to stop bombing Ukraine, and the Aboriginal first world war hero being honoured in France. Battle of the burbs | The verdict of voters in the outer suburbs of capital cities will be crucial in next Saturday's election and both parties are throwing a lot of resources at trying to win them. Henry Belot travels to Hawke on Melbourne's north-western fringe where he hears that people feel short-changed on services which haven't kept pace with population growth. Preferences could also be crucial and Ben Raue has taken a close look at five seats where they may decide the result. Pulling rank | The defence department has issued a 'respectful request' to veterans such as shadow defence minister Andrew Hastie who are standing as election candidates to stop using pictures of themselves in military uniform on their campaign material. Immigration pledge | A Coalition government would abandon a longstanding Howard-era target for a two-thirds share for skilled migrants in an effort to slash permanent migration by 25%, or 45,000 people, next year. Dental 'blindspot' | The rising cost of going to see a dentist and the 'stubborn' refusal of the major parties to include dental care in Medicare mean that young Australians will remain victims of an oral health 'blindspot', experts fear. Highland heritage | A developer wants to turn Berrima's historic jail into a hospitality venue to meet growing demand in the NSW southern highlands. But some locals want it to stay in community hands and lead heritage tourism. Asia alarm | India and Pakistan have moved closer to military confrontation as Islamabad warned that any effort by Delhi to interfere with the supply of water would be viewed as an act of war. 'Vladimir, STOP!' | Donald Trump has pleaded with Vladimir Putin to halt Russian missile attacks on Ukraine after dozens were killed in an assault on Kyiv, writing 'Vladimir, STOP!' on social media. Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Ukraine could not accept US recognition of Russia's annexation of Crimea. Atlantic bridge | In another hectic day in Washington, Donald Trump claimed the US was holding trade talks with China even though a spokesman for Beijing denied any negotiations were taking place. The US president also said he was meeting 'of all people' Jeffrey Goldberg, the Atlantic's editor who exposed the Signal group chat fiasco. A federal judge blocked a White House move that could have disenfranchised millions, and Trump denied federal aid to Arkansas where dozens have died in storms. Follow developments live. 'Class of victims' | Mental health advocates have hit back at Nigel Farage after the UK Reform leader claimed the country is 'massively overdiagnosing those with mental illness problems' and creating a 'class of victims'. Kremlin capture | Alleged former members of an international neo-Nazi terrorist organisation are claiming its Russia-based and American leader is a Kremlin spy, casting light on its sabotage operations inside Ukraine. Newsroom edition: why a hung parliament may be good for Australia Bridie Jabour talks to editor Lenore Taylor and head of newsroom Mike Ticher about why the trend away from the major political parties may make the parliament more productive. Sorry your browser does not support audio - but you can download here and listen $ After more than a century of his story being passed down through the generations, Private William Allan Irwin – a Gomeroi man from near Coonabarabran in NSW – has been honoured with citizenship of the Somme where he gave his life in heroic fashion fighting for a country that would not give him that same basic right. Eelemarni Close-Brown catches up with family members who travelled to northern France as they took part in a documentary to honour 'a great man'. From chamber music in Townsville to Adelaide's Tasting Australia food festival, and from the East Gippsland Winter festival (pictured) to the Ningaloo Sky festival in Western Australia, we suggest 20 winter gatherings across Australia between now and August. Sign up to Morning Mail Our Australian morning briefing breaks down the key stories of the day, telling you what's happening and why it matters after newsletter promotion Tennis | After celebrating gaining Australian citizenship, the Russian-born player Daria Kasatkina talks about opposing the war in Ukraine, coming out, and the chance of 'living free'. Athletics | The British distance runner Eilish McColgan has revealed she has been body-shamed by school teachers as she called for social media companies to use formal identification to prevent the abuse she faces every day. Football | Cristiano Ronaldo is still banging in the goals for his Saudi club but he could be running out of games in his bid to reach 1,000 career strikes. Writing in the Australian, China's ambassador has demanded that Australia stands with Beijing against the 'bullying' Trump administration. The grief-stricken parents of a teenage boy shot dead at Bar beach have described him as a 'kind' and 'beautiful man', the Newcastle Herald reports. The Liberal candidate for Labor-held Eden-Monaro tells Bega News she supports having a nuclear plant in the seat but 'hasn't thought' about where it might be built. Anzac Day | Anthony Albanese was at the war memorial in Canberra for the dawn service while Peter Dutton was at a service in Brisbane as thousands attend Anzac Day events across the country. Canberra | First Nations commemoration march at 9am. Sport | Collingwood take on Essendon in the AFL and the Roosters face the Dragons in traditional Anzac Day fixtures. If you would like to receive this Morning Mail update to your email inbox every weekday, sign up here, or finish your day with our Afternoon Update newsletter. You can follow the latest in US politics by signing up for This Week in Trumpland. And finally, here are the Guardian's crosswords to keep you entertained throughout the day. Until tomorrow. Quick crossword Cryptic crossword
The Guardian
24-04-2025
- Business
- The Guardian
Coalition to ditch Howard-era skilled migration target to reduce total figure by 45,000
A Coalition government would abandon a longstanding Howard-era target for a two-thirds share for skilled migrants in an effort to slash permanent migration by 25%, or 45,000 people, next year. The shadow immigration minister, Dan Tehan, confirmed that if elected he would not touch the family stream intake and instead dramatically cut skill visas in an effort to lower permanent migration from 185,000 in 2024-25 to 140,000 in 2025-26. The permanent migration target would increase to 150,000 in the following two years, and then 160,000 after that, he said. 'What we're going to do in the first instance is we're going to reduce the skill migration level,' Tehan told ABC radio. Sign up for the Afternoon Update: Election 2025 email newsletter The parent and 'other family' categories of the permanent migration program – representing 8,500 and 500 people, respectively this year – can be capped, while partner and child visa numbers depend on demand as they are protected by law. Holding the family stream of the permanent migration steady at a planned 52,500, skilled migration would drop from 132,200 to 87,200 next financial year, according to the Coalition plan. Outside two years affected by pandemic border shutdowns, that would be the lowest number of skilled permanent migration in 20 years. It would come at a time when the country continues to battle a severe shortage of skilled workers in key areas, including health and construction. The share of the skill stream would drop from 71% to 62% next year, also the lowest in about two decades, outside Covid-19 years. Abul Rizvi, a former deputy secretary of the immigration department, said Tehan's comments represented a sharp break from what had been a bipartisan approach to heavily favour the economic and fiscal benefits of skilled migration. 'He's either accidentally or deliberately abandoned the two-thirds (skill), one-third (family) balance that (John) Howard established and which the Labor party said they would stick to as well,' Rizvi said. Rizvi said the Coalition had previously 'belted' Labor on maintaining that ratio, 'and now, just in a quick radio interview, it's gone'. There was also the question of which components of the skilled stream the Coalition would cut. The easiest visa to cut would be the 'skilled independent' category, Rizvi said. But that accounts for fewer than 17,000 people in this financial year, and the biggest occupation is nursing. Sign up to Afternoon Update: Election 2025 Our Australian afternoon update breaks down the key election campaign stories of the day, telling you what's happening and why it matters after newsletter promotion 'Are you really going to cut nurses? That would be brave, minister,' Rizvi said. Presuming the Nationals would not allow a cut to the 33,000 regional migrants, that would leave a fight with businesses to slash the 44,000 planned employer-sponsored visas this year, or a stoush with the states over their 33,000 skilled permanent migrants. KPMG's chief economist, Brendan Rynne, said in a tight labour market businesses were still struggling to get the right workers. Rynne said skilled migrants brought new knowledge and knowhow, and so made the economy more productive. 'I can understand what they (the Coalition) are trying to achieve, but we don't want it to come at the cost of productivity growth.' Rynne said skilled migrants also tended to be younger and through the years contributed more in taxes than they cost in public services – in other words, they were a net benefit for the national budget. Rizvi said the hit to the budget would be 'meaningful' and likely run to the hundreds of millions of dollars. 'If you cut the skill stream by 45,000, you must find the offsetting savings,' he said.
