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Indian Express
2 days ago
- Business
- Indian Express
Ahead of 2026 election, how can DMK retain credibility and control the narrative?
The verdict in the Anna University sexual assault case — the Mahila Court sentenced 37-year-old biryani vendor Gnanasekaran to life imprisonment without remission for 30 years — marks a significant moment of judicial clarity. Examining forensic evidence, including mobile data that proved the accused had kept his phone on 'flight mode' for over two hours during the crime, the court dismissed speculation of multiple perpetrators. In fact, the judge found Gnanasekaran guilty under multiple provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, Information Technology (IT) Act, and the Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Harassment of Women Act (1998) — a verdict arrived at without political interference or procedural delay. However, legal closure rarely halts political rumour. Even as the public prosecutor warned that continued speculation could amount to contempt of court, the phrase 'Yaar Andha Sir?' ('Who is that sir?') has already entered political discourse, largely due to insinuations by AIADMK leaders and an opportunistic digital echo chamber. The truth, it seems, is not what is proved in court but what sticks in public memory. Ironically, the DMK government, often accused of political micro-management, allowed this case to move swiftly through an autonomous legal process. In a state where past sexual assault cases, like the Pollachi scandal, were delayed or allegedly mishandled, notably under the AIADMK's watch, this is not insignificant. Nevertheless, the opposition has deftly turned the DMK's early assertion that there was only one accused into a point of political attack, calling it 'prejudgement' and 'potential cover-up'. This episode reveals the broader question facing the DMK as it heads toward the 2026 assembly elections: How does the party retain credibility and control the narrative? The DMK's record over the last four years is, in many ways, better than its predecessors. Schemes centred around school-going children, women, and the youth have received appreciation. Other schemes like Illam Thedi Kalvi, Makkalai Thedi Maruthuvam, and grievance redressal initiatives have improved state–citizen interaction, especially in rural Tamil Nadu. The government's efforts in resisting NEET, symbolically potent even if legally ineffective, have bolstered its pro-social justice image. Investments in government schools, Primary Health Centres (PHCs), and digital governance platforms also signal policy intent that is not merely rhetorical. However, the government's challenges are far from trivial. Tamil Nadu's graduate unemployment (16.78 per cent) remains uncomfortably high, and industrial job creation has failed to keep up with expectations. Chennai's chronic flooding and waste management failures have not seen systemic solutions, and the DMK's urban governance, while more responsive than before, lacks long-term vision. Add to this the unfolding TASMAC controversy, a potentially damaging scandal involving liquor procurement irregularities and alleged revenue manipulation. For many Tamil households, especially among the working poor, TASMAC is more than a public sector enterprise; it is a source of everyday distress. Women-led protests and growing anger around alcoholism have sharpened the moral critique of the government's alleged role in enabling addiction under the guise of revenue generation. Besides, actor-turned-politician Vijay's debut through Tamizhaga Vetri Kazhagam seems to have disrupted the Dravidian binary in a way few thought possible. Unlike fringe players like Seeman's NTK, Vijay carries an immense fan base and strong recall across age groups. His youth appeal and calculated distance from Hindutva politics make him formidable. Vijay has carefully crafted his messaging: anti-corruption, pro-education and socially inclusive. By not aligning with either Dravidian major or the BJP, he is attempting to occupy the unclaimed centre, a space attractive to urban, educated, and politically ambivalent first-time voters. If TVK contests all 234 seats, it may not win many outright, but it could split votes in enough constituencies to damage both DMK and AIADMK prospects. Meanwhile, the AIADMK is trying to regain lost ground under Edappadi K Palaniswami. While the party remains factionalised without a charismatic face, it still commands a sizeable rural base. Its attempts to link the Anna University case to a larger narrative of DMK complacency may not be grounded in evidence, but they are politically shrewd. In alliance with the BJP, the AIADMK hopes to capitalise on any anti-incumbency sentiment. However, this strategy remains fraught with risk: Tamil Nadu's electorate have consistently displayed a deep-rooted scepticism towards the BJP, viewing it as hostile to Tamil identity and interests, a perception that remains firmly embedded in the state's political consciousness. What must the DMK do, then? First, it must address the TASMAC issue head-on through transparency, audits, action against corruption, and a clear plan to reduce reliance on alcohol revenue. Second, the party must move beyond legacy rhetoric toward forward-looking governance. Digital skills training, green jobs, women's safety, and urban renewal should define its new language of social justice. Most crucially, it must seize control of the narrative. Though legally closed, the Anna University case remains a battle of perception. If the DMK stays reactive, allowing its record to be drowned out by slogans and suspicion, it risks ceding the larger electoral script. In Tamil Nadu, politically sharp and emotionally engaged voters expect more than performance; they demand trust, which is earned constantly. The DMK seems to have a strong chance in 2026. Stalin remains a credible leader, and the party's organisation is solid. But election results depend not just on incumbency or ideology but on timing, tone, and trust. The path to Fort St. George lies as much through governance as through the people's imagination. And in that realm, the verdict is never final. It is constantly being rewritten, tweet by tweet, poster by poster, speech by speech. The court may have ruled on Gnanasekaran. But in the court of public opinion, the DMK must still argue its case every single day, until the ballot speaks. The writer is an education consultant and political analyst based in Bengaluru
Hindustan Times
30-05-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
HC seeks Centre reply on plea on Delhi Police's powers over online content
The Delhi high court has sought responses from the Union government and lieutenant governor (LG) Vinai Kumar Saxena on a petition challenging a Central notification that empowers Delhi Police officers to issue takedown orders to social media platforms for removing online content. A bench of chief justice DK Upadhyay and justice Tushar Rao Gedela on Wednesday issued notice to the LG and the Union ministry of electronics and information technology (MEIT) on a plea filed by the Software Freedom Law Centre (SFLC). The matter will be heard next on September 17. The petition pertains to a gazette notification issued on December 26, 2024, through which Saxena authorised at least 23 senior Delhi Police officers to issue takedown orders under Section 79(3)(b) of the Information Technology (IT) Act. This section makes intermediaries — such as Facebook, YouTube, Jio, and Cloudflare — liable for third-party content if they fail to remove unlawful material after being notified by the 'appropriate government' or its agency. According to the notification, officers authorised to issue such notices include DCPs of Delhi's districts, the intelligence fusion and strategic operations (IFSO) unit, economic offences wing, crime branch, special cell, special branch, IGI Airport, Railways and Metro units. These officers can act in cases reported within their jurisdiction and 'notify instances of information, data or communication links' connected to any computer resource used to commit an unlawful act. The notification also designated the joint commissioner of police, IFSO, as the state nodal officer, with the DCP IFSO appointed as assistant state nodal officer. SFLC, represented by advocate Talha Abdul Rehman, argued that empowering police officers to issue unilateral takedown orders without judicial oversight was 'arbitrary' and 'violative of due process'. 'The statutory power to block or remove online content is exclusively vested in the Central Government under Section 69A of the IT Act, read with the Information Technology Rules, 2009. The impugned notification, by granting these powers to the police, oversteps constitutional and statutory boundaries and is, therefore, ultra vires the parent legislation,' the plea said. It further argued that only the Centre has the authority to issue such directives under Section 69A and that the move violates Articles 19 and 21 of the Constitution. It also contradicts landmark Supreme Court judgments that underscore the importance of legal safeguards and proportionality in actions affecting fundamental rights.
Hindustan Times
23-05-2025
- Hindustan Times
Navi Mumbai businessman duped of ₹2.74 crore in online gaming fraud
Navi Mumbai: A 42-year-old businessman allegedly lost ₹2.74 crore in an online gaming fraud between December 2022 and April 2025. He registered a complaint with the Cyber Police on May 20. A resident of Kopar Khairane, Navi Mumbai, the victim runs a business that provides building supply materials. He had been gaming for two years with the hopes of making huge wins, but instead, he spent a total of ₹3.24 crore on online games and recovered only ₹50 lakh. In his complaint, the victim said that he had been introduced to the gaming site in December 2022 by a friend. Further conversations with a representative of the platform online led him to believe that he was dealing with a legitimate listed company that offered high returns through online casino format games. 'Convinced with that assurance, the man got himself registered and took up playing games using several gaming ids. In the hopes of striking big wins he began transferring money to participate in these games,' said an officer investigating the matter. The platform initially garnered his trust by letting him withdraw ₹1.6 lakh after allegedly spending ₹1.9 lakh on games. The officer added, 'It quickly became an addiction wherein he ended up transferring large sums via QR codes sent to him from different mobile numbers. The scam went on because the gaming dashboard kept on showing that he had won ₹5.1 crore. He even sold some property in his native place to facilitate the addiction.' Trouble began when his winnings stopped getting reflected on the gaming site, and his gaming accounts were deactivated and reactivated without explanations. He tried contacting the website representatives but his calls went unanswered. The man realised he had been duped when he searched online for a verified customer service number or physical office address of the gaming platform but found nothing. He then registered a complaint with the Cyber Police station under section 66D (cheating by using a computer) of the Information Technology (IT) Act, and 3(5) (criminal liability), 318(4) (cheating), 319(2) (cheating by personation) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS).
NDTV
22-05-2025
- NDTV
2,600 Km Tech Trail: Exam Cheaters In Arunachal Get Answers From Haryana
Over 50 students from Haryana have been arrested in Arunachal Pradesh in a mass exam cheating racket. The students, taking a recruitment exam conducted by CBSE for non-teaching posts at the Navodaya Vidyalaya Samiti, used electronic devices linked to Jind, Haryana. While the students have been arrested, the police are searching for a mastermind or people who orchestrated the operation from 2,600 km away in Haryana. On May 18, CBSE conducted recruitment exams for non-teaching posts, including Junior Secretariat Assistant (JSA) and Lab Attendant (LA), with exam centers located at VKV Chimpu and Kingcup Public School in Itanagar. During the Lab Attendant exam in the evening, Arunachal Pradesh Police were called to the Kingcup Public School to investigate a student due to his suspicious behaviour. The student had a small electronic device and a tiny earpiece. 23 candidates were apprehended from the exam centre. Another suspect was caught at the Vivekananda Kendra Vidyalaya. Subsequent investigations led to the arrest of the rest of the accused. "The exam was halted for a brief period. Upon deep investigation, we found that students who appeared in the other exam in the morning also had such devices. They were intercepted," Superintendent of Police (Capital) Rohit Rajbir Singh said, addressing a press conference. More students were arrested from hotels and nearby areas, the Police said. "53 candidates have been arrested for attempting to use advanced electronic devices, including GSM-enabled gadgets and micro earpieces, to cheat during the exams. From them, 29 devices were seized, and many of those arrested have already confessed to their crimes," Mr Singh said. According to the police, the candidates were in touch with a syndicate that claimed to help clear any exam. The candidates were asked to choose remote areas as their exam centres to exploit perceived security lapses, Mr Singh said. Once admit cards were issued, candidates were provided with GSM-based devices and trained in their discreet use. Explaining the cheating process, Mr Singh said, "The electronic device is hidden in undergarments and a tiny earpiece, which isn't visible with the naked eye, is fitted deep inside the ear. This enabled real-time communication with external handlers. To begin with, candidates are asked which question paper set they have. They give options - A, pause, B, pause, and C. Students use the pause between options to reply; a cough serves as an answer. And then the person on the other side dictates answers." The police suspect that the question paper was leaked. Mr Singh further stated that similar suspicious activities have been reported at other centers in Dimapur, Sikkim, and Dehradun - all of which are now under active investigation. The case has been registered against 53 individuals under the newly introduced Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), the Information Technology (IT) Act, and the Public Examination (Prevention of Unfair Means) Act, 2024. The police are now working with interstate counterparts to trace the wider network behind the operation.
Indian Express
21-05-2025
- Indian Express
Women secretly filmed on Bengaluru Metro: Instagram account sparks outrage, FIR filed
The Bengaluru police Tuesday booked an Instagram user who allegedly secretly filmed women on Metro trains without their consent and posted the videos online. Lokesh B Jagalasar, Deputy Commissioner of Police, Wednesday told the media that a case has been registered and efforts have been made to nab the accused. The account, named Bangalore Metro Clicks (@metro_chicks), has over 6,000 followers, while its linked Telegram channel Speedy_Weedy123 has 1,188 subscribers. The Instagram page hosted 13 videos, with comments disabled, and deleted all the posts after it was called out on social media. The Telegram channel is not presently available. Many clips posted by the account featured captions like 'finding beautiful girls on Namma Metro' and showed women being followed and recorded without their knowledge. The police took action after an X user flagged the Instagram account, tagging the Bengaluru police. 'There is a pervert travelling in @OfficialBMRCL bengaluru metro trains and capturing videos of women secretly and sharing on instagram. Please find him and punish him…' the post by the X user read. The post quickly gained traction, leading users to tag law enforcement, community groups, and influencers to raise awareness and demand accountability. 'As a woman who uses the metro every day, this is absolutely horrifying to me! @OfficialBMRCL please take note!' wrote one user. Another user said, 'What is happening here? There is really no place safe anymore.' BJP MP P C Mohan on X said, 'An Instagram account is secretly filming women on Namma Metro, and shockingly, 5,000 people are following it. It's a blatant violation of privacy and dignity, not just creepy but a serious crime. @BlrCityPolice , take immediate action.' The Banashankari police filed the case under Section 67 (publishing, transmitting, or causing the publication or transmission of obscene material in electronic form) of the Information Technology (IT) Act and Section 78 (2) (stalking) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS).
