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‘I have peace here': Dancing, history and culture celebrated at inaugural Peace region Igbo Day
‘I have peace here': Dancing, history and culture celebrated at inaugural Peace region Igbo Day

Hamilton Spectator

time2 hours ago

  • Entertainment
  • Hamilton Spectator

‘I have peace here': Dancing, history and culture celebrated at inaugural Peace region Igbo Day

FORT ST. JOHN, B.C. — Vibrant sounds, colourful attire and history welcomed patrons of the Radisson Hotel on Saturday, with the Igbo people of Nigeria at the centre. The inaugural Igbo Day festivities were staged at the hotel, with many cultures – both Igbo and non-Igbo – taking part in the event on June 7th hosted by the Umunna Peace Region Association. Native to eastern Nigeria, the Igbo people are also seen in other regions of Africa, including in Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea and Gabon. Children also partook in a history of the five states in Nigeria native to the Igbo language: Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo, with youngsters Stephanie Chima and Jidenna Jeremy Nwokemodo being crowned the event's Prince and Princess. It was seen as a 'triumph' for Obinna Amaefule, a member of the association and the chair of the event's planning committee. 'We put a lot of work,' said Amaefule. 'A lot of reaching out. We consulted, we carried everyone along, and we got people involved in the planning. That's why you see this turnout. 'It's not just the Igbos that are here. We have Nigerians that are non-Igbos. We have people that are not even Nigerians here. It's a testament of how much planning went into making this a success today.' John Emejuru is the president of the Umunna Peace region and has seen the Igbo population grow in his decade-plus living in Fort St. John. He spoke fondly of the town and the gathering on Saturday, estimating there could be between 110 to 120 Igbo people currently residing in the Peace region. '[This is] a big celebration,' said Emejuru. 'Igbo day has been celebrated before we were born. We inherited [this] from our forefathers. So we have got to still give it to our sons, [our] daughters, to continue. 'I'm welcome in Fort St. John. I love Fort St. John. I have peace here. Everything is so close. There's no harassment or nothing. When you work in the community, the people who are living in Fort St. John are helpful. That's why I love it.' Highlights of the event included children of the community being taught simple words in Igbo describing objects, places and things and several colourful, energetic dance numbers native to the culture. Each of the children were tested after their lesson in front of the crowd, which was led by Amaefule, who told about the importance of teaching the younger generation their ancestral roots. 'All my kids were born here,' said Amaefule. 'Then they've never been to Nigeria. You could testify from the way they even pronounce the words that they know nothing about it. What we [were] try[ing] to do is to make sure that traditions of our forefathers are passed down to our children and our traditions [and] language are passed down.' Both Fort St. John Mayor Lilia Hansen and Peace River North MLA Jordan Kealy were honoured guests at the event. As part of their education on the Igbo culture, Hansen and Kealy were dressed in official royal robes and given official designations. Hansen received the title of 'Adaugo' meaning 'a daughter of honour, or the daughter who brings honour,' while Kealy received 'Enyi Oha' meaning 'friend of the people.' Hansen was also brought into a dance number, something Amaefule said is indicative of who the Igbo people are and the hospitality they represent. 'When we have guests, we treat them as guests,' said Amaefule. 'We give them first-class priority, we welcome them. That doesn't mean that your brother will not be treated right but it means that you honour your guest and you treat him as a friend.' The dignitaries were also given a tour of Igbo artefacts, including jewelry such as coral reef beads, medicine such as velvet beads, hygiene products like chewing sticks and traditional offerings like kola nut, palm oil and palm wine. The guests were encouraged by their hosts to ask questions. Hansen said she was flattered by the energy and the people in the culture. 'It's been great so far. I think there's going to be a lot more dancing,' said Hansen. While traditional Igbo Day celebrations take place in August, this Igbo Day event took place on Saturday, June 7th at the Radisson Hotel in Fort St. John because the organization was concerned about the weather. 'It's going to get cold,' said Amaefule. Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .

Nigeria: The true cost of separatist sit-at-home protests
Nigeria: The true cost of separatist sit-at-home protests

Time of India

time5 days ago

  • Business
  • Time of India

Nigeria: The true cost of separatist sit-at-home protests

Nigeria: The true cost of separatist sit-at-home protests Monday mornings in Onitsha, one of West Africa's busiest commercial cities, used to be the most chaotic day of the week. But these days, they unfold in eerie silence. The familiar blare of traders haggling prices has faded — replaced by an unsettling stillness as many residents of southeastern Nigeria live in fear. The outlawed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) movement — which is pushing for the independence of Nigeria's southeast — regularly calls for stay-at-home protests to demand the release of its leader, Nnamdi Kanu. Kanu is on trial on terrorism charges in the Nigerian capital, Abuja. While the IPOB claimed it had suspended the stay-at-home order, locals continued to comply due to the fear of armed groups known to attack those who defy the measure, using enforcement tactics like arson, looting and targeted killings. "Mondays now feel so empty," said Gift Chigo, a resident in Imo, one of the hardest-hit states in the region. "Businesses are shut down and shops locked down. And to be honest, we don't necessarily sit at home because we support the IPOB, but out of fear. It's not about solidarity, it's about [protecting] ourselves. What can we do? Nothing," she told DW. Nigeria labels IPOB a terrorist organization Formed in 2012 by two UK-based Nigerians, Nnamdi Kanu and Uche Mefor, the IPOB has been at the forefront of the renewed call for an independent state of Biafra. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Giao dịch vàng CFDs với sàn môi giới tin cậy IC Markets Tìm hiểu thêm Undo Former Eastern region governor and military officer, Emeka Ojukwu, had declared the defunct state of Biafra in the 1960s following the killing of Igbos in northern Nigeria. However, that attempt to secede from the country ended with a bloody three-year civil war that led to the death of millions of people. The agitations still persist with groups like IPOB. In 2020, the IPOB launched its armed wing called the Eastern Security Network aimed at protecting the Igbos, but residents told DW it has instead inflicted more suffering on them. Since Kanu's arrest, the group has split into factions — some of which are more violent, exerting considerable influence and power, especially in rural communities, and targeting government facilities. Although IPOB has repeatedly dissociated itself from the region's violence, authorities have continued to accuse the group of several violent incidents in the area. The Nigerian government has labelled the group a terrorist organization. The cost of a sit-at-home order Apart from the sit-at-home protest every Monday, the region also observes the order on days Kanu appears in court. And, it has not only upended livelihoods and disrupted the economy of the region, but it has also led to the death of more than 700 people over the past four years. A recent report by SBM intelligence, a Lagos-based think tank, shows that the protest has resulted in economic losses of over $4.79 billion (€4.20 billion) with key sectors like transportation, trade, and micro businesses taking the biggest hit. In about 332 violent incidents, the protest's epicenter has been Imo state, where 332 people were killed, followed closely by neighboring Anambra with 202 deaths. Many of the victims were civilians who defied the weekly order or became caught up in clashes between the group and Nigerian security forces. Public institutions like schools and hospitals have also been disrupted by the protest. "I go to class three times a week even though I teach mathematics which was supposed to be taught every single day. We're seriously lagging behind due to the IPOB's order," King David, a teacher in Owerri, told DW. Schools suffer, economy stalls Dengiyefa Angalapu, a research analyst at the Centre for Democracy and Development, a think tank, shared David's concern. He noted that the educational sector has borne the most profound brunt of the sit-ins in the region. "Students preparing for exams often miss critical academic days or are even forced to travel under risky conditions," said Angalapu. "Beyond that, students missing out on school every Monday means they only have four days to learn, and I think that's really a very critical gap compared to other regions in the country." While there was a high rate of compliance with the order in 2021, representing about 83%, actual support is much lower now — about 29%. Nigeria's southeast is inhabited predominantly by the Igbo ethnic group who are known for their entrepreneurial skills. The impact of the sit-ins has been substantial, and these losses are not just contained in the southeast, said Ikemesit Effiong, head of research at the Lagos-based think tank. "People from the Niger Delta and the South South region who are looking to transit through the South East to get to other parts of the country are also materially affected because their goods cannot move over land through the region." Effiong mentioned that the loss in productivity has weakened economic competitiveness and discouraged external investments. "The economic loss in terms of reduced investability climate in the region is worrisome. Many projects that would have been greenlit have actually been held back or rerouted to other parts of the country because the cost of doing business has increased in the South East," he said. What's the way out? Dengiyefa said that, beyond economic loss, deepening unemployment and poverty, what lies ahead is even more staggering. "It's quite sad that a generation of youth are being raised in the southeast in a climate of fear and ideological extremism," Dengiyefa noted. Dengiyefa added that "with the intergenerational transfer of trauma, we're at a very big risk if this continues because we've a whole generation that has been radicalised and that's a very fundamental challenge." Dengiyefa suggested that the Nigerian government should invest in countering secessionist narratives, including engaging local leaders. "We need a non-military security presence such as community policing rather than having solely the armed forces which often escalate tensions" that would eventually lead to a peaceful dialogue for any political demands. Both analysts argued that the heavy-handedness of Kanu's prosecution could be softened through government transparency and fair judicial process. "People may not approve of Nnamdi Kanu's tactics within the region, but his message still has deep resonance. Many people see his treatment as emblematic of how Nigeria has generally treated the Southeast. So, changing that paradigm and changing that perception will be critical," Effiong added.

Nigeria: The true cost of separatist sit-at-home protests  – DW – 06/04/2025
Nigeria: The true cost of separatist sit-at-home protests  – DW – 06/04/2025

DW

time6 days ago

  • Business
  • DW

Nigeria: The true cost of separatist sit-at-home protests – DW – 06/04/2025

The Indigenous People of Biafra's sit-at-home protests have paralyzed southeast Nigeria. As fear grows and losses mount, what's the path to peace? Monday mornings in Onitsha, one of West Africa's busiest commercial cities, used to be the most chaotic day of the week. But these days, they unfold in eerie silence. The familiar blare of traders haggling prices has faded — replaced by an unsettling stillness as many residents of southeastern Nigeria live in fear. The outlawed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) movement — which is pushing for the independence of Nigeria's southeast — regularly calls for stay-at-home protests to demand the release of its leader, Nnamdi Kanu. Kanu is on trial on terrorism charges in the Nigerian capital, Abuja. While the IPOB claimed it had suspended the stay-at-home order, locals continued to comply due to the fear of armed groups known to attack those who defy the measure, using enforcement tactics like arson, looting and targeted killings. "Mondays now feel so empty," said Gift Chigo, a resident in Imo, one of the hardest-hit states in the region. "Businesses are shut down and shops locked down. And to be honest, we don't necessarily sit at home because we support the IPOB, but out of fear. It's not about solidarity, it's about [protecting] ourselves. What can we do? Nothing," she told DW. Nigeria labels IPOB a terrorist organization Formed in 2012 by two UK-based Nigerians, Nnamdi Kanu and Uche Mefor, the IPOB has been at the forefront of the renewed call for an independent state of Biafra. The familiar blare of traders haggling prices has faded — replaced by an unsettling stillness Image: Patrick Meinhardt/AFP Former Eastern region governor and military officer, Emeka Ojukwu, had declared the defunct state of Biafra in the 1960s following the killing of Igbos in northern Nigeria. However, that attempt to secede from the country ended with a bloody three-year civil war that led to the death of millions of people. The agitations still persist with groups like IPOB. In 2020, the IPOB launched its armed wing called the Eastern Security Network aimed at protecting the Igbos, but residents told DW it has instead inflicted more suffering on them. Since Kanu's arrest, the group has split into factions — some of which are more violent, exerting considerable influence and power, especially in rural communities, and targeting government facilities. Although IPOB has repeatedly dissociated itself from the region's violence, authorities have continued to accuse the group of several violent incidents in the area. The Nigerian government has labelled the group a terrorist organization. The cost of a sit-at-home order Apart from the sit-at-home protest every Monday, the region also observes the order on days Kanu appears in court. And, it has not only upended livelihoods and disrupted the economy of the region, but it has also led to the death of more than 700 people over the past four years. A recent report by SBM intelligence, a Lagos-based think tank, shows that the protest has resulted in economic losses of over $4.79 billion (€4.20 billion) with key sectors like transportation, trade, and micro businesses taking the biggest hit. In about 332 violent incidents, the protest's epicenter has been Imo state, where 332 people were killed, followed closely by neighboring Anambra with 202 deaths. Many of the victims were civilians who defied the weekly order or became caught up in clashes between the group and Nigerian security forces. Public institutions like schools and hospitals have also been disrupted by the protest. "I go to class three times a week even though I teach mathematics which was supposed to be taught every single day. We're seriously lagging behind due to the IPOB's order," King David, a teacher in Owerri, told DW. Former London estate agent and IPOB founder Nnamdi Kanu is on trial on terrorism charges in Nigeria's capital, Abuja Image: Katrin Gänsler/DW Schools suffer, economy stalls Dengiyefa Angalapu, a research analyst at the Centre for Democracy and Development, a think tank, shared David's concern. He noted that the educational sector has borne the most profound brunt of the sit-ins in the region. "Students preparing for exams often miss critical academic days or are even forced to travel under risky conditions," said Angalapu. "Beyond that, students missing out on school every Monday means they only have four days to learn, and I think that's really a very critical gap compared to other regions in the country." While there was a high rate of compliance with the order in 2021, representing about 83%, actual support is much lower now — about 29%. Nigeria's southeast is inhabited predominantly by the Igbo ethnic group who are known for their entrepreneurial skills. The impact of the sit-ins has been substantial, and these losses are not just contained in the southeast, said Ikemesit Effiong, head of research at the Lagos-based think tank. "People from the Niger Delta and the South South region who are looking to transit through the South East to get to other parts of the country are also materially affected because their goods cannot move over land through the region." Effiong mentioned that the loss in productivity has weakened economic competitiveness and discouraged external investments. "The economic loss in terms of reduced investability climate in the region is worrisome. Many projects that would have been greenlit have actually been held back or rerouted to other parts of the country because the cost of doing business has increased in the South East," he said. What's the way out? Dengiyefa said that, beyond economic loss, deepening unemployment and poverty, what lies ahead is even more staggering. "It's quite sad that a generation of youth are being raised in the southeast in a climate of fear and ideological extremism," Dengiyefa noted. Why don't Germans know about their part in the slave trade? To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Dengiyefa added that "with the intergenerational transfer of trauma, we're at a very big risk if this continues because we've a whole generation that has been radicalised and that's a very fundamental challenge." Dengiyefa suggested that the Nigerian government should invest in countering secessionist narratives, including engaging local leaders. "We need a non-military security presence such as community policing rather than having solely the armed forces which often escalate tensions" that would eventually lead to a peaceful dialogue for any political demands. Both analysts argued that the heavy-handedness of Kanu's prosecution could be softened through government transparency and fair judicial process. "People may not approve of Nnamdi Kanu's tactics within the region, but his message still has deep resonance. Many people see his treatment as emblematic of how Nigeria has generally treated the Southeast. So, changing that paradigm and changing that perception will be critical," Effiong added. Cash for care: Boosting infant vaccination in rural Nigeria To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Edited by: Keith Walker

The real cost of Nigeria's sit-at-home protests – DW – 06/03/2025
The real cost of Nigeria's sit-at-home protests – DW – 06/03/2025

DW

time7 days ago

  • Business
  • DW

The real cost of Nigeria's sit-at-home protests – DW – 06/03/2025

The Indigenous People of Biafra's sit-at-home protests have paralyzed southeast Nigeria. As fear grows and losses mount, what's the path to peace? Monday mornings in Onitsha, one of West Africa's busiest commercial cities, used to be the most chaotic day of the week. But these days, they unfold in eerie silence. The familiar blare of traders haggling prices has faded — replaced by an unsettling stillness as many residents of southeastern Nigeria live in fear. The outlawed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) movement — which is pushing for the independence of Nigeria's southeast — regularly calls for stay-at-home protests to demand the release of its leader, Nnamdi Kanu. Kanu is on trial on terrorism charges in the Nigerian capital, Abuja. While the IPOB claimed it had suspended the stay-at-home order, locals continued to comply due to the fear of armed groups known to attack those who defy the measure, using enforcement tactics like arson, looting and targeted killings. "Mondays now feel so empty," said Gift Chigo, a resident in Imo, one of the hardest-hit states in the region. "Businesses are shut down and shops locked down. And to be honest, we don't necessarily sit at home because we support the IPOB, but out of fear. It's not about solidarity, it's about [protecting] ourselves. What can we do? Nothing," she told DW. Tales of a proscribed group Formed in 2012 by two UK-based Nigerians, Nnamdi Kanu and Uche Mefor, the IPOB has been at the forefront of the renewed call for an independent state of Biafra. The familiar blare of traders haggling prices has faded — replaced by an unsettling stillness Image: Patrick Meinhardt/AFP Former Eastern region governor and military officer, Emeka Ojukwu, had declared the defunct state of Biafra in the 1960s following the killing of Igbos in northern Nigeria. However, that attempt to secede from the country ended with a bloody three-year civil war that led to the death of millions of people. The agitations still persist with groups like IPOB. In 2020, the IPOB launched its armed wing called the Eastern Security Network aimed at protecting the Igbos, but residents told DW it has instead inflicted more suffering on them. Since Kanu's arrest, the group has split into factions — some of which are more violent, exerting considerable influence and power, especially in rural communities, and targeting government facilities. Although IPOB has repeatedly dissociated itself from the region's violence, authorities have continued to accuse the group of several violent incidents in the area. The Nigerian government has labelled the group a terrorist organisation. The cost of a sit-at-home order Apart from the sit-at-home protest every Monday, the region also observes the order on days Kanu appears in court. And, it has not only upended livelihoods and disrupted the economy of the region, but it has also led to the death of more than 700 people over the past four years. A recent report by SBM intelligence, a Lagos-based think tank, shows that the protest has resulted in economic losses of over $4.79 billion (€4.20 billion) with key sectors like transportation, trade, and micro businesses taking the biggest hit. In about 332 violent incidents, the protest's epicenter has been Imo state, where 332 people were killed, followed closely by neighboring Anambra with 202 deaths. Many of the victims were civilians who defied the weekly order or became caught up in clashes between the group and Nigerian security forces. Public institutions like schools and hospitals have also been disrupted by the protest. "I go to class three times a week even though I teach mathematics which was supposed to be taught every single day. We're seriously lagging behind due to the IPOB's order," King David, a teacher in Owerri, told DW. Former London estate agent and IPOB founder Nnamdi Kanu is on trial on terrorism charges in Nigeria's capital, Abuja Image: Katrin Gänsler/DW Schools suffer, economy stalls Dengiyefa Angalapu, a research analyst at the Centre for Democracy and Development, a think tank, shared David's concern. He noted that the educational sector has borne the most profound brunt of the sit-ins in the region. "Students preparing for exams often miss critical academic days or are even forced to travel under risky conditions," said Angalapu. "Beyond that, students missing out on school every Monday means they only have four days to learn, and I think that's really a very critical gap compared to other regions in the country." While there was a high rate of compliance with the order in 2021, representing about 83%, actual support is much lower now — about 29%. Nigeria's southeast is inhabited predominantly by the Igbo ethnic group who are known for their entrepreneurial skills. The impact of the sit-ins has been substantial, and these losses are not just contained in the southeast, said Ikemesit Effiong, head of research at the Lagos-based think tank. "People from the Niger Delta and the South South region who are looking to transit through the South East to get to other parts of the country are also materially affected because their goods cannot move over land through the region." Effiong mentioned that the loss in productivity has weakened economic competitiveness and discouraged external investments. "The economic loss in terms of reduced investability climate in the region is worrisome. Many projects that would have been greenlit have actually been held back or rerouted to other parts of the country because the cost of doing business has increased in the South East," he said. What's the way out? Dengiyefa said that, beyond economic loss, deepening unemployment and poverty, what lies ahead is even more staggering. "It's quite sad that a generation of youth are being raised in the southeast in a climate of fear and ideological extremism," Dengiyefa noted. Why don't Germans know about their part in the slave trade? To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Dengiyefa added that "with the intergenerational transfer of trauma, we're at a very big risk if this continues because we've a whole generation that has been radicalised and that's a very fundamental challenge." Dengiyefa suggested that the Nigerian government should invest in countering secessionist narratives, including engaging local leaders. "We need a non-military security presence such as community policing rather than having solely the armed forces which often escalate tensions" that would eventually lead to a peaceful dialogue for any political demands. Both analysts argued that the heavy-handedness of Kanu's prosecution could be softened through government transparency and fair judicial process. "People may not approve of Nnamdi Kanu's tactics within the region, but his message still has deep resonance. Many people see his treatment as emblematic of how Nigeria has generally treated the Southeast. So, changing that paradigm and changing that perception will be critical," Effiong added. Cash for care: Boosting infant vaccination in rural Nigeria To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Edited by: Keith Walker

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