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IOL News
4 hours ago
- Business
- IOL News
Old Mutual's economist dashes hopes for the required 6% economic growth in South Africa
Busisiwe Mavuso, CEO of Business Leadership South Africa, said the GNU was showcasing notable progress in creating a more conducive business environment. Image: Leon Lestrade/ Independent Newspapers Old Mutual Group chief economist, Johann Els, has quashed any lingering hopes for sustained growth rates of 6% in the country's gross domestic product (GDP) on the back of significant lingering structural constraints. Though Els on Thursday said he was expecting an 'improved growth trend' in the outlook for 2025 for South Africa, the economy was faced with serious structural constraints, which had resulted in the average annual growth rate of 1.1% over the last 16 years. 'I do expect that uplift in that growth underlying trend towards 2.5% to 3% on the back of significant private sector participation in the economy. And it's not always easy to present a slightly better growth outlook,' Els said during a midyear economic update. 'But in my view, this isn't an optimistic outlook. It's a balanced view that we should see better underlying growth because we are making some headway into reducing the structural constraints in the economy. 'But to be clear, growth around 5% to 6%, which is what South Africa actually needs, will never happen in South Africa. It's highly unlikely to ever get, on a sustained basis at least, towards 5% or 6% economic growth. Highly unlikely. But we can get from around 1% slightly less volatile growth as well towards 2.5% to 3%. 'We've got significant structural constraints in the labour market, significant skills deficit, and an over-regulated labour market that will prevent us from ever achieving that.' However, Els said what was happening in terms of electricity, water and logistics reforms will get the economy from 1% towards 2.5% to 3%. He said that will make a material difference in terms of confidence and profitability, driving to some extent, even employment growth, positive employment growth despite those structural issues in the labour market. 'So growth can start to improve over the next few years, where especially the reduction in the electricity deficit will help significantly. Gradually, the private sector's role and participation in the logistics arena, helping out the Transnet issues,' Els said. 'Foreign investors are always looking at more stable countries. If we look at the big reason for weak economic growth over the past 16 years or so, the lack of confidence in policymakers,' Els said. 'When growth was strong in that period roughly in the early 2000s towards 2007-08, that was a period when there was little concern about politics and policy. The result of a survey done by the Bureau of Economic Research at Stellenbosch University asking businesses what their view of the political climate and policy climate [shows] that concern moved up dramatically, economic growth collapsed, and a Reserve Bank study showed that growth would have been more than 2%. 'Now, what we have seen is after the formation of the Government of National Unity (GNU) in June last year, that concern has improved quite a bit, eased quite a bit, meaning more confidence in this new government to actually implement the better policies.' Busisiwe Mavuso, CEO of Business Leadership South Africa, said the GNU was showcasing notable progress in creating a more conducive business environment. Mavuso said as much as the country was facing so many geopolitical challenges and the impact of the Trump tariff regime, it has made quite a few strong strides and achieved solid wins in an effort to try and ensure a conducive environment within which business should trade. 'There are four network industries that we have: energy, transport and logistics, water, crime and corruption. And out of those four, three have been dysfunctional for quite a while, only telecoms have been functioning as it should,' she said. 'And now we are actually seeing progress coming along on the energy, on the transport logistics, and on the water front as it were. So as a business community, we are seeing a GNU that has been quite committed to delivery.' Mavuso indicated that hope lies particularly in the energy reforms, with the minister's commitment to achieving energy security rather than simply maintaining existing structures being prioritised. However, challenges are not absent as Mavuso said the mounting municipal debt remained a pressing concern, and the implications of union negotiations continued to draw scrutiny. 'Municipal debt continues to be a challenge, and [the Minister of Electricity] started intervening in municipalities. I don't know if you would have seen, three weeks ago, he secured the City of Joburg's commitment to pay R3.2 billion to Eskom over the next four years, and he's going to continue to do that with other municipalities because that Eskom debt by municipalities is growing at R3bn every month,' she said. 'And when you look at the work that is being done by Operation Vulindlela II, their focus on municipal reform is also going to be reinventing the electricity revenue of the municipality to ensure that that money can actually go to Eskom. So those are all encouraging things that we're actually seeing.' BUSINESS REPORT
IOL News
7 hours ago
- IOL News
Court hears community fears in baby abduction case
Sameemah Jacobs appears in the Bellville Magistrate's Court, charged with kidnapping and defeating the administration of justice. Image: Ayanda Ndamane/Independent Newspapers The woman accused of kidnapping a nine-day-old baby appeared in the Mitchells Plain Magistrate's Court this week, as the court grappled with balancing her rights as a mother against the safety of the child and the concerns of a fearful community. Sameemah Jacobs, who faces charges of kidnapping and potentially defeating the ends of justice, was arrested two days after the disappearance of baby Mogamat Imaad Sharmar. The baby was allegedly taken from his mother, Imaan Sharmar (also known as Britney Brandt), on 28 June at Middestad Mall in Bellville. Sharmar had believed she was attending a support workshop for single mothers under the banner of the Zoey Project. Jacobs was later found in possession of the baby, who was unharmed. She was arrested following tip-offs from the community. During the bail application, Magistrate G Ndaleni raised the issue of whether keeping Jacobs in custody might infringe on the rights of her own child, referencing Section 28 of the Constitution, which protects the best interests of children. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ 'She is a first-time offender. Has it been proven that the accused would endanger the public?' the magistrate asked during proceedings. However, Sergeant Dawid Fortuin of the Serious and Violent Crimes Kidnapping Unit testified that Jacobs's actions were calculated and posed a risk to society. 'The victim is also a nine-day-old child. He has rights too,' Fortuin told the court. He presented new evidence, including a petition compiled by Faith and Hope Missing Persons founder Veranique 'Benji' Williams, which argued against Jacobs's release. Fortuin explained that the organisation had contacted him before the arrest, and that members of the community had expressed concerns about Jacobs's presence in the neighbourhood. 'The organisation informed me that they would be drafting a petition against her release,' he said. The petition, supported by a formal memorandum, called on the court to prioritise child safety and public trust in the justice system. It referenced constitutional and legal duties to protect children from harm, and warned that bail could undermine community confidence. Imaad's mother, Imaan Sharmar, voiced her fears following the day's testimony. 'Listening to what was all said, I am starting to realise that there is a very strong possibility that the court is leaning towards the accused's side more,' she said. 'It's making me feel very unsafe again because, honestly, she knows where I live. She knows where my daughter goes to crèche, so she could go with anyone to her school, because she disguised herself before, and say I sent her. Or she could come to my house as someone else. Her possible release is pushing up all these emotions. I don't even feel like leaving my house when I have places to be.' Jacobs's Legal Aid lawyer, Asangezwa Mafuya, argued that his client was not a flight risk. He said she owns a home and vehicle, and has a seven-year-old child who depends on her. He added that Jacobs had cooperated with the police and did not resist arrest. But Fortuin disagreed, stating: 'A house you can sell and flee with the vehicle. The fact that she went with us doesn't mean she'll come to court every time.' He further alleged that Jacobs had used three different identities to mislead the victim. 'The complainant thought she was meeting someone else. The accused disguised herself and misled the victim,' he said. Fortuin also linked Jacobs to another case involving a 15-year-old girl, still under investigation, in which the same phone number was used. Mafuya questioned whether there was any evidence that Jacobs had poisoned the baby's mother, which had been suggested informally. Fortuin clarified: 'We've never alleged poisoning.' The defence proposed strict bail conditions, including house arrest and weekly reporting to police. Mafuya also submitted a counter-petition calling for Jacobs's release, with 111 signatures from residents in Eerste River, Heideveld and Manenberg. Fortuin downplayed the petition, stating that some of the pages lacked proper details and it represented a small portion of the community. He warned that house arrest would be ineffective, pointing out that Jacobs wears a pardah and could not easily be identified if she left home without permission. 'She was desperate, and there's no guarantee she won't do it again,' Fortuin said. He also testified that Jacobs falsely claimed the baby was hers, which may form part of potential obstruction of justice charges. He said she had told one witness that her husband made her confused, a statement he believed was meant to deflect responsibility. Mafuya requested a postponement to finalise an affidavit in support of bail. However, Magistrate Ndaleni criticised the delay. 'You're not ready with your affidavit – it doesn't take long to produce one,' he remarked. The matter was postponed to 23 July for the defence to complete the affidavit and for further bail arguments to be heard.
IOL News
8 hours ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Why South Africans are losing trust in their security forces
Hundreds marched on the streets of Durban on Tuesday, calling for "Hands Off Mkhwanazi". Image: Doctor Ngcobo/ Independent Newspapers There is a quiet, growing disillusionment in South Africa. One that isn't expressed in protest or petitions, but in silence. People no longer expect the system to protect them — not from criminals, not from corrupt politicians, and indeed not if they decide to speak out. Confidence in the country's security cluster is in freefall, and the state's latest handling of Minister Senzo Mchunu's scandal has only deepened the sense that truth and accountability have no place in today's political landscape. On July 13, President Cyril Ramaphosa placed Police Minister Senzo Mchunu on special leave, following explosive allegations by KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi. The commissioner accused Mchunu of colluding with criminal syndicates, interfering in politically sensitive murder investigations, and using his authority to disband a task team probing over a hundred unsolved political killings. The accusations, if true, represent one of the most brazen breaches of public trust by a sitting minister in recent memory. Yet despite the severity of the claims, Mchunu has not been fired. He hasn't even been suspended without pay. Instead, he's been quietly placed on paid leave while a commission of inquiry is established. And just like that, a man accused of undermining the very foundations of justice is allowed to retreat — salary and benefits intact — while the public waits, once again, for answers that may never come. The optics of this decision are catastrophic. At a time when public trust in the police has dropped to an all-time low — a recent HSRC survey found only 22% of South Africans have confidence in SAPS — the president's response appears more like damage control than leadership. And for whistleblowers, it sends a devastating message: the system doesn't just fail to protect you; it may actively reward those who put you in danger. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ This isn't a theoretical issue. Whistleblowers in South Africa operate in one of the most hostile environments in the democratic world. Those who expose corruption or criminal wrongdoing often face threats, intimidation, legal harassment, or even death. Babita Deokaran's assassination in 2021 was not just a tragedy — it was a signal that speaking out in this country can be a death sentence. Since then, government promises to strengthen whistleblower protection laws have amounted to little more than lip service. Draft proposals to reform the Protected Disclosures Act have yet to materialise into action. Civil society groups have repeatedly called for a comprehensive system that includes safe housing, financial support, legal assistance, and psychological care for whistleblowers. But those calls continue to go unanswered. Now, in the wake of the Mchunu scandal, the stakes have never been clearer. If a police minister can be accused of sabotaging investigations and remain in office, even temporarily, what hope is there for those who come forward with information that implicates people in power? A judicial commission, led by acting deputy-chief Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga, has been tasked with investigating the allegations. Its scope includes not just Mchunu's conduct, but broader issues of interference in the justice system by political actors. It is a necessary process, and if handled with urgency and transparency, it could restore some faith in the rule of law. But South Africans have seen this play before. Commissions that take months, sometimes years, to deliver findings. Recommendations that gather dust. Promises that fade into the next news cycle. The danger isn't just that whistleblowers will stop coming forward. It's that the public will stop caring. When accountability becomes a performance, people turn away. When justice is delayed indefinitely, it begins to resemble impunity. Ramaphosa came into office promising to clean up the state, rebuild trust, and restore integrity to public office. However, his leadership has often favoured caution over conviction. Political stability has come at the expense of moral clarity. At this moment, South Africans don't need another commission. They need a firm, unambiguous stand — a declaration that those who compromise justice will not be protected by proximity to power. It's not too late. The president can still act decisively. He can remove Mchunu from his position, demand expedited action from the inquiry, and push forward urgent reforms to protect whistleblowers. These are not radical demands — they are the minimum standard in any functioning democracy. The next whistleblower is out there. They might be a municipal clerk, a junior accountant, a medical officer, or a police officer with a conscience. They're watching the Mchunu case unfold. They're reading the silence. And they're asking themselves one very human question: is it worth it? Right now, the answer is uncertain. But if the president and his Cabinet fail to act swiftly and honestly, the silence that follows won't be peaceful — it will be the silence of a society giving up. *Mayalo is an independent writer and analyst. The views expressed are not necessarily those of IOL and Independent Media
IOL News
9 hours ago
- IOL News
Jayden-Lee Meek: Mum,Tiffany gets ready to apply for bail for his murder
Jayden-Lee Meek was murdered outside his home after failing to come home on May 12, 2025. Image: Supplied The mother of Jayden-Lee Meek is expected back in the Roodepoort Magistrate's Court on Friday. Tiffany Meek, 31, faces charges of murder, crimen injuria, attempting to defeat or obstruct the course of justice, and defeating or obstructing the administration of justice. Meek is expected to bring her private attorney on record for court. Bail information is also expected to be handed over to the court should she wish to apply for a formal bail application. The 11-year-old Jayden was last seen on May 13, 2025. The court papers have revealed that 11-year-old Jayden-Lee Meek, who allegedly died in the hands of his mother, died after being hit with an "unknown" hard object to the head. Image: Timothy Bernard/ Independent Newspapers Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ According to a charge sheet presented to the court, the State is set to prove that Meek struck her son with a blunt object. The object is yet to be identified. It has been revealed that blood was found on Jayden-Lee's bed, his school clothes and bag were also found in the apartment, as well as his schoolbooks, which had blood on them. Evidence analysed by forensic experts reveals Jayden-Lee was killed in his home. Jayden-Lee's body was only found the following morning near the house on the staircase. At the time, his body was clean, warm, and several abrasions were visible. At this stage, the motive for Jayden-Lee's murder is unknown. Meek was arrested on Friday, July 11, and made her first court appearance on Monday, July 14. Earlier this week, Meek's mother, Debbie Dunn, took to TikTok to defend her daughter, who she claimed was being framed. Dunn said that as a family, they had attended the court case; however, her daughter's appearance was 'hush hush' and 'they (alluding to the State) made sure we were not present. All just to further discredit her [Tiffany]'. In the video, Dunn has her wording scripted as she starts reading, she said: 'It is with great sadness that I have to make this video. I want to express how deeply disappointed we are at the way my grandson's case is being investigated and how my daughter is being prosecuted for a crime she did not commit. Our attorney, together with Tiffany's family, friends, and work colleagues, were at the court since 8.30 this morning.' Dunn also boldly stated they had lost faith in the justice system. 'We hope that she will be given a fair bail hearing and trial as we have lost faith and hope in the criminal system. None of us, the activists all saw us, were present but denied access under false pretenses to be in the court. That's all I have to say for now,' Dunn concluded. The Gauteng Department of Education (GDE) has confirmed it is investigating allegations that Jayden-Lee reported abuse to his peers and teachers. This revelation has caused public outcry as many believe Jayden-Lee's death could have been avoided. IOL
IOL News
9 hours ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Mkhwanazi's allegations are only the latest in SAPS' history of persistent misconduct and corruption claims
KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi Image: Doctor Ngcobo / Independent Newspapers The South African Police Service (SAPS) has been thrust into crisis following explosive allegations by KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi against Police Minister Senzo Mchunu, raising serious concerns about the SAPS's integrity and stability. Mkhwanazi publicly accused Mchunu of colluding with organised crime, interfering in investigations, and shielding corrupt syndicates. Mkhwanazi's allegations include claims that Mchunu ordered the disbandment of a task team investigating political killings and authorised the withdrawal of more than 120 case files, allegedly protecting politicians and a controversial businessman linked to drug cartels. In response, President Cyril Ramaphosa, in an address to the nation, placed Mchunu on immediate leave of absence on 13 July and announced a judicial commission of inquiry to investigate whether senior officials in law enforcement, intelligence, and judicial structures have been infiltrated by criminal networks. Law Professor Firoz Cachalia has been appointed as acting Police Minister, signalling Ramaphosa's commitment to swift action. Parliament will also establish a separate ad hoc committee to investigate Mkhwanazi's allegations. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Former Police Minister Senzo Mchunu. Image: Jacques Naude / Independent Newspapers After consideration of a legal opinion from the Parliamentary Legal Services, it was agreed that the format of an ad hoc committee, as provided for under Rule 253 of the National Assembly, is best suited for the matter at hand. In a joint statement, Ian Cameron, chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Police, and Xola Nqola, chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development, said: 'The rationale for this option is that the scope of such a committee is specific and time-bound.' Mkhwanazi's allegations are the latest in a long history of the police's integrity and claims of corruption being scrutinised. There have been a slew of claims of collusion involving police, among them AGU detective Charles Kinnear speaking out before his death. In 2022, police said they would investigate Western Cape High Court Judge Daniel Thulare's statements about corrupt links between the SAPS and gangs in the province. Former Deputy Commissioner Bonang Mgwenya was fired for alleged corruption, and Riah Phiyega was suspended for misconduct allegations. Recently, police also denied speculation about the imminent arrest of National Police Commissioner Fannie Masemola for allegedly authorising the irregular purchase of properties worth R120 million. President Cyril Ramaphosa and national police commissioner, General Sehlahle Fannie Masemola. Image: Picture: Siyabulela Duda/GCIS According to the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) recent report, "Social Attitudes Survey", only 22% of South Africans expressed confidence in the police in 2022, with similarly low levels recorded in 2023 and 2024/25. This marks the worst confidence ratings since data collection began in 1998. After the emergence of the Mkhwanazi allegations, Cameron said the allegations point to a systematic weakening of the police to enable corruption and undermining of the rule of law. 'What is clear is that accountability is necessary and urgent….We cannot continue one more day with criminals masquerading as police officers.' Cameron called for an extensive skills and lifestyle audit, starting with all senior management within the SAPS and the Crime Intelligence environment. He said that he had written to the Speaker of the National Assembly for an urgent debate on the police's integrity and the implications of the revelations for its credibility and standing in the fight against crime. The committee also proposed an urgently appointed commission with a clear timeline to investigate the allegations, an independent body to undertake a vetting exercise on all senior SAPS officers, and a reconfiguration of the Crime Intelligence environment to ensure only fit and proper people are employed in that environment. The suggestion of an integrity commission has been welcome, but many believe that current mechanisms already exist to tackle corruption and just need to be used to their fullest extent. National Spokesperson for SAPS, Brigadier Athlenda Mathe, said they call on all people in South Africa to respect the president's decision to appoint a commission of inquiry to investigate all allegations made. 'We have full faith and confidence in the mandate and work that the commission will undertake, and the National Commissioner has since pledged his full support to the process. 'The SAPS has internal mechanisms in place to detect corruption, and in the last five years, more than 2000 police officers have been dismissed for various offences. We have an anti-corruption unit and various other processes to root out corruption and ill-discipline.' Police and Prisons Civil Rights Union (POPCRU) spokesperson Richard Mamabolo said corruption is an important and complex issue affecting the integrity of the South African Police Service and the broader criminal justice system. 'As POPCRU, we acknowledge the deep public concern about allegations surrounding senior figures within the SAPS, and we support any credible process that is aimed at upholding integrity, restoring public trust, and rooting out corruption — provided it is implemented transparently, without political manipulation, and with due process. 'The call for a commission of inquiry, lifestyle audits, and skills and vetting assessments are not new, and POPCRU has consistently called for such mechanisms — but within a framework that respects the dignity and rights of police officers,' Mamabolo said. 'We agree that systems of accountability must be robust, but they must also be fair, independently monitored, and not used selectively to settle internal or political scores. 'Our members — the majority of whom are dedicated and hardworking officers — are often the first to suffer the consequences of public mistrust. When sweeping generalisations are made about corruption within SAPS, it undermines the morale and dignity of thousands who serve with honour under extremely difficult conditions,' Mamabolo said. 'The integrity of SAPS must be protected, but we must be careful not to generalise or vilify the entire service based on the alleged conduct of a few. Integrity cannot be built on fear or scapegoating — it must be the product of ethical leadership, worker support, and institutional reform.' He added that while Cameron's proposals reflect legitimate concerns, they must be accompanied by an honest assessment of the broader systemic crises, such as chronic understaffing, inadequate training, lack of psychological and wellness support, and the erosion of internal disciplinary systems. Chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Police, Ian Cameron. Image: Armand Hough/Independent Newspapers Crime and policing expert from Stellenbosch University, Dr Guy Lamb, said it's a bit difficult to endorse or criticise Cameron's suggestions, as there's nothing substantially wrong with them. 'It's more the kind of question around implementation. But I think one shouldn't just be, making certain recommendations without understanding the kind of context, and doing an examination of what currently exists and trying to understand what is working, what's not working.' Lamb added that SAPS has an anti-corruption strategy, which it implements as indicated in its annual reports. 'Also, the new SAPS strategy 2025 to 2030 indicates that SAPS is prioritising fighting, combating corruption within the ranks of the SAPS and indicates that it will be pursuing many of the issues that the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee is suggesting, such as lifestyle audits, vetting, and investigations.' Lamb explained that addressing the issue of corruption in SAPS needs to be dynamic. 'You can, for example, vet police officers once off, but, you know, corruption is a growing problem. So you may vet a police officer at one particular point in time, and they may not be engaged in corrupt activities. But a year later, due to personal circumstances or bribery, they may engage in corruption.' Lamb feels that there are many things that Parliament could be doing but isn't. 'What would be really helpful is to get the police to come forward and to report on, what's been working with the anti-corruption strategy, what's not working, what are the challenges, what do they need resources for, where could they improve upon that, possibly also having kind of, you know, kind of public submissions on this particular issue, I think is really helpful.' Lamb expressed his concern with the strength of the oversight committee, pointing to Mkhwanazi having already raised his concerns in a briefing to the committee on 5 March, and his concern that they didn't do anything with that information. 'That's sort of the question one needs to ask - that if the parliamentary committee had acted on these allegations, then we may have seen a different outcome? 'We may have ended up saving some money, not having a commission of inquiry, but that's kind of difficult to say. Essentially, there were warning signs. Evidence was brought in. Evidence was presented before the parliamentary portfolio committee, and they didn't seem to take any action on this.' Lamb feels that questions do need to be asked about the effectiveness of parliamentary oversight when it comes to policing. 'I think there needs to kind of be some reflections on that as well. It's good to see that they are taking a prominent role now, but there certainly was a missed opportunity back in March.'
