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India Today
2 days ago
- Politics
- India Today
Karnataka Lokayukta raids homes of three Bengaluru officials over illegal assets
The Karnataka Lokayukta on Wednesday conducted simultaneous raids at the residences of three government officials in Bengaluru over allegations of amassing disproportionate assets and involvement in illegal land raids were carried out at the homes of Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer Vasanthi Amar, Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike (BBMP) Executive Engineer Errappa Reddy, and Town Planning Assistant Director Bagli Maruthi. The operation was led by Superintendent of Police (SP) Vamshikrishna, with searches ongoing in localities including RT to sources, all three officials are suspected of having accumulated assets beyond their known sources of income. In addition, they are being investigated for the illegal transfer of government land. Errappa Reddy was recently caught red-handed while accepting a bribe of Rs 10 lakh, which has further intensified scrutiny on his financial dealings. The Lokayukta is continuing its investigation and is expected to examine documents and property records seized during the raids are part of a broader and sustained crackdown by the Karnataka Lokayukta in recent months. In June 2025, the anti-corruption agency conducted extensive searches at 45 locations across the state, seizing assets worth over Rs 34.90 crore from eight government officials accused of possessing disproportionate wealth. The coordinated operation was carried out in Bengaluru Urban, Bengaluru Rural, Kalaburagi, Dharwad, Hassan, Gadag, Shivamogga, and Lokayukta had conducted a similar raid in April against a government engineer in Ballari; assets worth over Rs 8 crore were recovered, including luxury cars, properties and gold in that March, too, Karnataka Lokayukta Police conducted raids across the state in connection with disproportionate assets cases against eight government officers. Two of the accused government officers were from Bengaluru and one each from Kolar, Kalaburgi, Davanagere, Tumakuru, Bagalakote and Vijayapura.- Ends IN THIS STORY#Bengaluru#Karnataka
NDTV
5 days ago
- NDTV
How Politicians, Bureaucrats Pulled Off 'Great Liquor Loot' Of Chhattisgarh
Raipur: Chhattisgarh's liquor trade has exploded into one of India's biggest scams. The Enforcement Directorate (ED) has arrested Chaitanya Baghel, son of former Chief Minister Bhupesh Baghel, blowing the lid off a massive scandal that's shaking the state. The ED has alleged that the entire liquor trade in the state, between 2019 and 2023, was nothing short of a state-run extortion racket, masked by policy and powered by political muscle. And at the heart of it, ED claims, was the then Chief Minister's son -- pulling strings not only to divert black money into real estate but to build an empire of cash-fuelled influence. What makes the scam even more sinister is the ED's explosive assertion that the liquor syndicate -- consisting of Anwar Dhebar, Anil Tuteja, and Arun Pati Tripathi -- was allegedly working under the aegis of retired Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer Vivek Dhand, a former Chief Secretary of the state. Mr Dhand, according to the ED, was not just a silent overseer but a direct beneficiary of the scam. The arrest of Chaitanya Baghel, ED says, is no routine development. His real estate project, Vitthal Green, was allegedly the laundromat through which illicit liquor cash was turned into clean capital. On the surface, it was a housing complex. Behind the scenes, it was - in the ED's own words - "a construction site for corruption." According to the agency's damning remand note accessed by NDTV, Mr Baghel's company received Rs 5 crore from a shell firm named Saheli Jewellers, flagged for laundering scam proceeds. Though disguised as a loan, no interest was paid, and Rs 4.5 crore remained outstanding, indicating the transaction was a facade. What's more, despite only Rs 7.14 crore being shown in books, the actual cost of construction was estimated between Rs 13 to Rs 15 crore - and at least Rs 4.2 crore of that was allegedly paid in hard cash to contractors. In one jaw-dropping day in 2020, 19 flats were bought by employees of liquor baron Trilok Singh Dhillon, a move the ED believes was designed to blur the money trail. But the liquor scam is not just a tale of hidden flats and cooked books. It is a saga spanning bureaucratic capture, backdoor dealings, and systemic siphoning, executed in three chilling parts. Part A involved distilleries paying Rs 75 per liquor case as "commission" - a bribe baked into the price - facilitated by high-ranking officers like Anil Tuteja (Retd IAS) and Arun Pati Tripathi (ITS), and allegedly overseen by Congress strongman Anwar Dhebar. This channel alone generated over Rs 319 crore, according to ED. Part B reveals the existence of a shadow liquor economy: liquor was sold outside the system using duplicate holograms and bypassed state warehouses altogether. Instead, it was transported directly to shops and sold for cash. In 2022-23 alone, ED says 400 trucks a month moved illegal liquor under the nose of excise officials. The syndicate made an estimated Rs 3,000 per case, turning liquor into liquid gold. Then came Part C, the most audacious twist - targeting foreign liquor through a rigged license system dubbed FL-10A. Select firms, allegedly fronts for the syndicate, were given exclusive licenses to sell premium imported brands. They bought alcohol at last year's government rate, but marked it up for consumers. The spoils were split, with 60% of the profits allegedly diverted to the political cabal. Just this arm of the scam is said to have earned Rs 211 crore. But what truly exposes the rot is not just the cash - it's the architecture of corruption. Every cog in the wheel, from bottle manufacturers and security contractors to excise inspectors and even hologram printers, were allegedly in on it. The ED says the very machinery that was meant to regulate alcohol sales became a high-performance corruption engine, greased with fear, favour, and fortunes. In a chilling confession, Laxmi Narayan Bansal, better known as Pappu, a key accused and cash handler, told ED officials that he alone managed over 1,000 crore in scam proceeds. He claimed to have personally delivered Rs 80-100 crore in cash to a man named KK Srivastava, on the direct instruction of Chaitanya Baghel. Chat logs pulled from Anwar Dhebar's phone allegedly show Baghel as an active coordinator of this underground money movement, not a passive recipient but a central figure in the laundering machine. The ED calls it nothing short of a hijack of governance, a hostile takeover of the excise economy by those in power. "It wasn't just an abuse of office," said one official off the record. "It was a systematic plunder dressed as policy." And now, with Chaitanya in custody, the heat is rising. The ED has demanded five days of interrogation, hoping to extract critical digital evidence, uncover communication trails, and identify others in the chain of command. But sources tell NDTV that the former CM's son has been evasive and non-cooperative, refusing to divulge financial details or explain fund flow patterns. The political fallout is just beginning. The ED claims that Rs 1,392 crore of the total scam value was allegedly diverted to Congress leaders and allies between 2019 and 2022.
Hindustan Times
15-07-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Promotion of HCS officers: Eight officers facing trial not to be promoted till exonerated by court
Eight Haryana Civil Service (HCS) officers of 2002 batch facing trial in a corruption case will have to wait for their exoneration by the court for being promoted to the Indian Administrative Service (IAS). The decision was taken by the selection committee headed by Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) member, Dinesh Dasa which met in New Delhi on Monday to consider the names of HCS officers for appointment to 27 posts of IAS by promotion. Officials said that the eight HCS officers who are facing trial were included provisionally in the select list for appointment to the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) by way of promotion. (Getty Images/iStockphoto) Officials said that the eight HCS officers who are facing trial were included provisionally in the select list for appointment to the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) by way of promotion. 'This, as per the central rules, means that they cannot be promoted to the IAS unless exonerated by the court,' said an official. A select list is a roll of officers recommended for induction into IAS. Officials said that the selection committee also prepared a list of 18 HCS officers who are found suitable for promotion to the IAS. Thus, their names were included in the select list for appointment to the IAS. These included Vivek Padam Singh of 1997 batch, Munish Nagpal, Mahender Pal and Satpal Sharma of the 2002 batch, Sushil Kumar of 2003 batch, Varsha Khangwal, Virender Sehrawat, Satyender Duhan, Manita Malik, Satbir Singh, Amrita Singh, Yogesh Kumar, Vandana Disodia, Jaideep Kumar, Samwartak Singh Khangwal. Criminal proceedings pending against 8 HCS officers The state anti-corruption bureau (ACB) had on July 4, 2023 presented a chargesheet (under section 173 of the CrPC) in the court of Hisar sessions judge, Dinesh Kumar Mittal, arraigning these eight HCS officers of 2002 batch as accused. They are Veena Hooda, Surender Singh-1, Jagdeep Dhanda, Sarita Malik, Kamlesh Bhadoo, Kuldhir Singh, Vatsal Vashisht and Jag Niwas. They were arraigned in a case pertaining to alleged irregularities and malpractices by the Haryana Public Service Commission (HPSC) in the recruitment process of 2001 HCS and Allied Services (executive branch) examination. A total of 29 persons including six former HPSC functionaries, four allied services officers and nine paper checkers were also arraigned in the charge-sheet. On a petition filed by one of the eight HCS officers facing trial, Jagdeep Dhanda, the Punjab and Haryana high court had on July 11 stayed the operation and effect of the charge sheet with regards to Dhanda. But the UPSC led selection committee did not consider Dhanda's case for appointment and decided to put his name in the select list as provisional along with his other batchmates. Legal experts said that a mere stay by the court on the operation and effect of the charge sheet filed by ACB did not mean that the officer became eligible for appointment to IAS. 'The charge sheet has been stayed and not quashed by the high court. Surely, the trial will come to a halt. But promoting an officer on the basis of a stay by the court can create more complications like reverting the officer back to HCS if the stay is vacated by the high court,' said Punjab and Haryana high court lawyer, Sachin Jain. Jain said the UPSC adopted the best way possible by keeping the name of the officer in the select list as provisional pending the outcome of the petition in HC or trial court. Rule 5(5) of the IAS (Appointment by Promotion) Regulations stipulated that the name of an officer included in the list of officers will be treated as provisional if any departmental or criminal proceedings are pending against him. 'The proceedings shall be treated as pending only if a charge sheet has actually been issued to the officer or filed in a court,' reads the explanation to the Rule. Similarly, Rule 7(3) said that if an officer included in the select list is issued with a charge sheet or a charge sheet is filed against him in a court of law after his inclusion, then his name in the select list shall be deemed to be provisional. In a nutshell, it means that officers against whom criminal proceedings are pending cannot be considered for promotion to the IAS unless exonerated by the court.
NDTV
14-07-2025
- General
- NDTV
UPSC CSE Mains 2025 To Be Held From August 22 To 31, Check Full Time Table
UPSC CSE Main 2025: The Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) has released the timetable for the Civil Services Examination (CSE) Main 2025. The exams will be conducted on August 22, 23, 24, 30, and 31, 2025. UPSC CSE Main 2025: Timings The Mains examination will be held in two sessions each day - the forenoon session from 9 AM to 12 Noon, and the afternoon session from 2:30 PM to 5:30 PM. UPSC CSE Main 2025: Full Schedule UPSC Civil Services Examination 2025: Exam Pattern The CSE exam pattern is divided into three stages - Preliminary, Mains, and Interview. The Prelims include two papers of 200 marks each, both objective-type. Paper II (CSAT) is qualifying in nature, and candidates must score at least 33%. Both papers are conducted in English and Hindi. The Main examination includes two qualifying papers - Paper A (Indian Language) and Paper B (English), each carrying 300 marks. The papers that count for the merit list include Essay, General Studies I to IV, and two papers on an optional subject. Each of these carries 250 marks. Candidates who clear the written stage will be called for the Interview/Personality Test, which carries 275 marks. There are no minimum marks required in the interview. Civil Services Examination 2025: Vacancies This year, the Civil Services Examination is being conducted to fill 979 vacancies across esteemed services such as the Indian Administrative Service (IAS), Indian Foreign Service (IFS), and Indian Police Service (IPS), among others. Aspirants are advised to keep checking the UPSC website for further updates regarding admit cards and instructions.
Hindustan Times
13-07-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Language row attempts to revive a dead horse
It was the 'swinging sixties' in Allahabad (present-day Prayagraj). British rule had ended two decades ago, but in a city teeming with the old gentry, the colonial ways were still visible. The Civil Lines observed the tradition of a lunch break, and in many shops, salesmen wearing ties could be found speaking in English with their esteemed, genteel customers. The city was proud of its university, dubbed the Oxford of the East. The Indian Civil Service had been rechristened as the Indian Administrative Service (IAS). Yet the nomenclature change did nothing to dampen its power or its regalia. Admission to Allahabad University was considered the essential first step towards realising the goal of cracking the civil services examination. The city hosted many poets and writers. The city had enough reasons to feel snooty and entitled. In such an atmosphere, the residents woke up to a surprise one day when they saw slogans written in coal tar on the walls of the local church, convent schools, and some other prominent places debunking the English language exhorting, 'Angrezi hatao, Bharat bachao' (remove English and save the country). In the initial days, people failed to fathom the long-term impact of a larger movement. The anti-English campaign was the brainchild of socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia, who initiated it in 1957. It took a decade to gather steam, and received the support of the Jana Sangh and other political parties. Sensing an imminent public outcry, then Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri made some critical moves in support of Hindi, leading to violent reactions in the Southern states, resulting in 70 cases of self-immolation or death by poisoning. Some died in the police firing on the protestors. In 1967, for the first time, assembly elections led to the formation of non-Congress governments in eight states. The language row played a key role in this outcome. It shouldn't come as a surprise to anyone. Language is the repository of our cultural moorings, and we shouldn't blame people if they feel emotionally attached to it, considering language as an integral part of their identity. Language played a pivotal role in the formation of the states of Himachal Pradesh and Haryana, both once a part of Punjab province. While creating these two states, Indira Gandhi wouldn't have imagined in her wildest dreams that the decision would in later years provide impetus to the rise of terrorism in Punjab. Earlier, the mobilisation to create Andhra Pradesh, based on Telugu linguistic identity, witnessed extreme violence. Let's return to Allahabad. While studying in the state inter college from class 6 to class 8, Hindi, English, and one regional Indian language were compulsory for all the students. I chose Bangla. I am proud that through Bangla, I was able to connect with a great civilisation, its writers, their intellectual depth, philosophy, history, and the nuances of the Independence Movement. The Bangla language and Bengali people helped shape my personality. This is the reason I was happy when the government of India launched the tri-language formula with some minor tweaks. I firmly believe that every young Indian, along with their mother tongue, should be well-versed in one regional language and in English. There is no better way to bring Indians closer to their Indian roots. As far as English is concerned, let there be no doubt about its relevance and effectiveness in the age of Artificial Intelligence. But politics and politicians are on a different tangent. This is the reason we witnessed the spectacle of Uddhav Thackeray and his estranged cousin, Raj, coming together on a public stage, 19 years after parting ways. They insisted they weren't against Hindi, but Marathi should be given its due and respected in Maharashtra. But is it the case? If there was consistency in their words and deeds, they wouldn't have uploaded viral videos of thugs beating unsuspecting shop owners, insisting that they speak in Marathi. While addressing his workers, Raj Thackrey told them that they can rough up those who fail to speak Marathi, but they shouldn't make and upload videos of this. It's a strange way of showing love for your language. Unfortunately, this malady is spreading quickly in the neighbouring state of Karnataka. The cyber city of Bengaluru witnessed public shaming of Hindi-speaking people when they failed to speak in Kannada. I believe that those who relocate to a new state should make the effort to learn the local language, but perpetrating violence against those who can't speak the language is not only unconstitutional but a dangerous trend for the nation. These incidents have opened a personal wound. In 1980, I went to Calcutta (present-day Kolkata) for the first time. At that time, whenever you asked the locals for an address, they would rebuff you, saying they didn't know Hindi. At such times, I would wonder, I could talk in Bengali, but how will anyone survive in the metropolis if they don't know the local language? During the coverage of the Punjab insurgency, I found that people in rural areas had difficulty understanding Hindi. However, during the last two decades, the winds of encouraging change have been blowing in the southern states. Hindi Heartland isn't far behind. Some months ago, when southern superstar Allu Arjun came to Patna, a huge crowd gathered to welcome him. Can we attribute the miracle to central government services, the old tri-language formula, and the culture of corporatisation? The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has tried to douse the flames of the language row by insisting that every Indian language is a national language. However, the moot point is whether politicians will stop fomenting trouble? It pays to remember the language controversy has lost its sting. It can help a politician hiss, but doesn't offer enough political venom to bite. Shashi Shekhar is editor-in-chief, Hindustan. The views expressed are personal
