Latest news with #Indo-U.S.
The Hindu
17-07-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Drift in India's foreign policy a matter of serious concern; time for course correction: Congress
The Congress on Thursday (July 17, 2025) accused the government of departing from India's traditional position on foreign policy matters without consulting Parliament and said it was time for recalibration, honest introspection and course correction to reclaim the country's stature globally. The main Opposition party also alleged that the government was weakening national consensus on the country's foreign policy, claiming that it had lowered and weakened the country's position globally, and demanded a comprehensive discussion on the issue in both houses of Parliament. The party also took strong exception to India abstaining on the UN Resolution on Gaza ceasefire, claiming this was not just unfortunate, but a painful and unacceptable decision. Congress spokesperson Anand Sharma said that the 'drift' in India's foreign policy was a matter of serious concern as it had weakened India's voice in the comity of nations and suggested the government recalibrate its policy, do honest introspection and course correction in the country's foreign policy approach. He also said the Indo-U.S. trade agreement, talks for which were continuing, should be done keeping national interest foremost and no trade pact should be done under pressure. 'There's a matter of serious concern: that is a drift in our foreign policy — a visible decline of India's influence in the world and the very fact that there had been fundamental departures to the detriment of India's standing in the comity of nations at the United Nations,' Mr. Sharma said at a press conference. The Congress leader called for a comprehensive debate on India's foreign policy matters in Parliament and said no country in a democracy avoids or evades a discussion on its foreign policy. '...more damage is done by being non-transparent or opaque and not communicating with their own country first in a correct manner, so that we retain the strength of our voice in global affairs. Today, the multilateral world order of governance is under siege,' he said. 'Foreign policy of a country and in case of India, historically, is meant to promote India's national interest and also to take our worldview to our strategic partner countries to mobilise in support of what we feel is right and what would serve the larger cause of peace and humanity,' Mr. Sharma, a former Union Minister who handled key ministries including commerce and external affairs, said. Foreign policy, as it had evolved since Independence, always had the backing of a broad-based national consensus, he said, adding that it had never been captive or hostage to partisan politics. The Congress leader said the government of the day had the mandate to make decisions, but when it came to foreign policy, it involved everyone, and that's why consensus was important. 'Unfortunately, that national consensus has been weakened in recent years, if not completely broken many occasions the government has arbitrarily chosen to depart from India's traditional positions without consulting either the Parliament or informing it,' he alleged. Mr. Sharma said India commanded an authority and respect in the world not because 'we were a major economic or military power, but because we had the moral authority'. 'We were acknowledged as a voice of humanity. And that's why wherever the crisis came in the world, those affected countries looked up to India. Unfortunately, that's no more the case,' he noted, adding that it was up to the government that how it retrieves India's standing and rebuilds national consensus. 'Looking at the situation as it is, it's time for recalibration, honest introspection, and course correction in our foreign policy approach,' the former Union Minister asserted. Stressing that equally important and integral to this was the neighbourhood policy, he said India was acknowledged as the pre-eminent power of South Asia. 'Nobody can say that today. It's for us to rethink our strategy, to engage in a manner that despite the challenges and complexities of the neighbourhood, India regains its strength and standing in its own region.' 'Our advice to the government will also be that while engaging with the neighbourhood, we have to be cautious. A foreign policy is meant to engage with other sovereign countries. It must not be linked to the furtherance of any domestic, partisan or political agendas,' he stressed, cautioning 'that would be not only a mistake but a blunder'. 'Our purpose is not to just criticise or score points. It is to caution, to share our concerns,' he said. Mr. Sharma also said that on June 12, when the UN General Assembly discussed the issue of Israeli attacks on Gaza and a resolution for immediate ceasefire and cessation of hostilities was brought on the matter and voted upon, 149 countries voted for the resolution, while India, the land of Gandhi, chose to abstain and didn't vote for peace and ceasefire. 'That's painful and unacceptable. This one action diminished India's credibility as the leader of the Global South. All the countries of the Global South voted for peace. How come the leader did not?' he asked. Mr. Sharma claimed that not just the Global South, major European countries, including two permanent UN members, as well as 'our traditional partners in BRICS, all four', voted in favour of a ceasefire. 'These countries in Europe also have good relations with Israel and the U.S., yet they voted for humanity, but we did not,' he said, adding that this was a fundamental departure from India's traditional position. 'We would urge the government that they should, as we wish to be, reclaim our moral standing as the voice of the Global South by speaking on this and prevail on our strategic and traditional partners to work for bringing peace in Gaza and the region,' the Congress leader said.
Time of India
09-07-2025
- Business
- Time of India
IndiGo Ventures closes maiden fund of Rs 450 crore; to invest 'undisclosed amount' in Jeh Aerospace
NEW DELHI: IndiGo Ventures, the corporate venture capital arm of India's biggest budget airline, Wednesday announced the first close of its maiden fund at ₹450 crore. An undisclosed amount will be invested in Jeh Aerospace, one of the fastest growing aerospace startups focused on high- precision aerospace and defence manufacturing. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now IndiGoVentures was launched in Aug 2024 to raise ₹600 crore and invest in early-stage startups driving innovation in aviation and allied sectors. IndiGo CEO Pieter Elbers said: 'At IndiGo, we are driven by a vision of connecting India to the world and making it a global aviation hub. Through IndiGo Ventures, we are excited to partner with Jeh Aerospace, a homegrown brand that shares our vision and spirit of strengthening the Indian aviation ecosystem. By combining our technical expertise and global footprint, this partnership will propel use of next-generation technology in the aerospace and aviation sector. This investment also strengthens the Indo-U.S. aerospace ties, advances make-in-India and accelerates innovation, contributing to realising India's potential to become a global aerospace and aviation hub.' Jeh Aerospace co-founder & CEO Vishal R. Sanghavi said: 'At Jeh Aerospace, we are forging a future-ready aerospace ecosystem by leveraging India's exceptional talent, advanced manufacturing, and AI-driven digital platforms. This investment empowers us to scale production capacity to meet growing demand from our global customers, ensuring flawless, on-time delivery of high-precision components… thrilled to collaborate with IndiGo… to drive innovation and shape the future of aerospace together. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now ' With a 100-member team of specialised engineers and technicians, Jeh Aerospace delivered a lakh flight-critical aero engine components and precision tools and secured $100 million in long-term contracts with global aerospace companies. This is IndiGo Ventures' first investment in Jeh Aerospace, which has been founded by Vishal Sanghavi and Venkatesh Mudragalla — alumni of Tata's aerospace joint ventures with Boeing, Lockheed Martin, and Sikorsky.
The Hindu
05-07-2025
- Business
- The Hindu
Modi will bow to Donald Trump: Rahul Gandhi attacks Prime Minister as deal deadline approaches
Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on Saturday (July 5, 2025) attacked Prime Minister Narendra Modi over the Indo-U.S. trade deal, after Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal claimed that India would not enter into an agreement under deadlines. Mr. Goyal had on Friday (July 4, 2025)claimed that India would accept the proposed trade deal with the U.S. only when it is fully finalised, and in the national interest. "Piyush Goyal can beat his chest all he wants, mark my words, Modi will meekly bow to the Trump tariff deadline," Mr. Gandhi said in a post on X. Piyush Goyal can beat his chest all he wants, mark my words, Modi will meekly bow to the Trump tariff deadline. — Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) July 5, 2025 The Congress has been attacking the Prime Minister for remaining silent and not countering U.S. President Donald Trump's repeated claims of bringing a halt to hostilities between India and Pakistan after the Pahalgam terror attack. The Free Trade Agreements are possible only when both sides benefit and involve a win-win agreement, Mr. Goyal told reporters when asked about the proposed interim trade agreement with the U.S. "National interest should always be supreme. Keeping that in mind, if a deal is made, then India is always ready to deal with developed countries," he said. Mr. Trump has set a deadline of July 9 to finalise the trade agreement with India.
The Hindu
01-07-2025
- Business
- The Hindu
Congress leader Jairam Ramesh flags 'withdrawal' of NITI Aayog's working paper on Indo-U.S. trade
Congress leader Jairam Ramesh claimed on Monday (June 30, 2025) that government think-tank NITI Aayog has withdrawn a working paper on Indo-U.S. agriculture trade relations. He claimed that the NITI Aayog paper called for allowing duty-free import of genetically-modified (GM) maize and soyabean from the United States, and alleged that the Narendra Modi government prioritises Midwestern American farmers over their counterparts in states, such as Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and Rajasthan. The NITI Aayog had, in a working paper titled "Promoting India-US Agricultural Trade Under the New US Trade Regime", suggested that in the aftermath of "reciprocal tariffs" imposed by the U.S., India should adopt a dual-track approach and selectively reduce the high tariffs on non-sensitive agricultural commodities' imports from Washington, while also strategically offering concessions where domestic supply gaps exist. "This was the NITI Aayog Working Paper on Promoting India-US Agricultural Trade Under the New US Trade Regime that was officially issued on May 30, 2025, but taken off the website a few days later and is now officially withdrawn," Mr. Ramesh said in a post on X. In another post, he claimed that the NITI Aayog paper called for allowing duty-free import of GM maize and soyabean from the U.S. "For the Modi sarkar, the interests of Midwestern American farmers and large Multinational Corporation traders are bigger than that of the maize farmers of Bihar and soyabean farmers of MP, Maharashtra, and Rajasthan," he alleged. Who authorised the release of the paper and is this a preview of the forthcoming Indo-U.S. trade agreement, the former Union Minister asked. When contacted, a NITI Aayog spokesperson did not offer any comment. The working paper had noted that the sudden announcement of "reciprocal tariffs" and enhanced market access for US exports, following Donald Trump's re-election as the U.S. President in January, has sent shockwaves across the world, especially among the trading partners of America. "India can also strategically offer concessions where domestic supply gaps exist, such as in edible oils and nuts," the paper had suggested. Noting that India is the largest importer of edible oil in the world and the U.S. has a huge export surplus of soyabean, which is GM, the paper had said India can offer some concession to the U.S. in the import of soyabean oil to meet demands in that country and reduce the trade imbalance, without harming domestic production. The paper had also suggested that India should negotiate more access to the U.S. market for high-performing exports like shrimp, fish, spices, rice, tea, coffee and rubber. India earns approximately $5.75 billion annually from agri-exports to the U.S. Expanding this through duty waivers or TRQs should be part of trade talks. Meanwhile, India has hardened its position on issues related to agriculture as negotiations with a US team in Washington have entered a crucial stage, an official said on Monday. The official also said that the stay of the Indian team, headed by Special Secretary in the Department of Commerce Rajesh Agrawal, is likely to be extended further. The team is in Washington for negotiations on an interim trade agreement with the U.S. Both sides are rushing to close a deal ahead of the July 9 deadline for the full implementation of the 26% reciprocal tariff, which has been suspended since April. "If the proposed trade talks fail, the 26% tariffs will come into force again," the official added. The stay of the Indian officials was already extended by three days till June 30. Initially, the delegation was scheduled to spend two days in the U.S., with the talks having commenced on June 26. Another official said the Commerce Ministry has informed domestic exporters and industry that talks are on for the first phase of the proposed bilateral trade agreement. There would be more phases. These talks are significant as both countries are engaged in negotiations for an interim trade deal and are trying to finalise the pact before July 9, the deadline for the expiry of the suspension of the reciprocal tariffs imposed by the Trump administration on April 2. On April 2, the U..S imposed an additional 26% reciprocal tariff on Indian goods but suspended it for 90 days. However, the 10% baseline tariff imposed by the US remains in place. India is seeking full exemption from the additional 26% tariff. The U.S. is demanding duty concessions in the agriculture and dairy sectors. But these segments are difficult and challenging areas for India to give duty concessions to the US as Indian farmers are into sustenance farming and have small land holdings. Therefore, these sectors are politically sensitive as well. India has not opened up the dairy sector for any of its trading partners in any free-trade pacts it has signed so far. The US wants duty concessions on certain industrial goods, automobiles, especially electric vehicles, wines, petrochemical products, dairy and agricultural items like apples, tree nuts and GM crops. India is seeking duty concessions for labour-intensive sectors like textiles, gems and jewellery, leather goods, garments, plastics, chemicals, shrimp, oil seeds, grapes and bananas in the proposed trade pact. The two countries are also looking to conclude talks for the first tranche of the proposed bilateral trade agreement (BTA) by fall (September-October). The pact is aimed at more than doubling the bilateral trade to $500 billion by 2030 from the current $191 billion. Before the first tranche, they are trying for an interim trade pact. The U.S. team was here from June 5 to June 11 for the talks. The negotiations will continue both virtually and physically in the days to come. India's merchandise exports to the U.S. rose by 21.78% to $17.25 billion in April-May this fiscal, while imports rose by 25.8 per cent to $8.87 billion.
The Diplomat
30-06-2025
- Politics
- The Diplomat
Sri Lanka's Shifting Stance on Foreign Research Vessels Risks Its Blue Economy Future
It is under pressure from India and the U.S. to block Chinese research vessels from docking in its ports. Will the crafting of standard operating procedures help? Sri Lanka is again caught in a controversy surrounding a foreign research vessel. Its media has reported that the U.N.-flagged research vessel Dr. Fridtjof Nansen, operated by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), which had been scheduled to dock in Sri Lanka, was redeployed to Madagascar due to delays in securing the necessary approval. Local media reported that the Dr. Fridtjof Nansen was to collect data in Sri Lankan waters, which would not only support domestic fisheries management but also improve the country's chances of tapping into international climate funding, such as from the Green Climate Fund. According to reports, the United Nations had informed Sri Lanka about the research vessel in advance. However, Sri Lankan authorities delayed approval, saying that Sri Lanka has still not implemented standard operating procedures (SOPs) for foreign research vessels. By the time President Anura Kumara Dissanayake personally intervened to facilitate the ship's docking, the FAO had reportedly redeployed the vessel elsewhere. Neither the U.N. nor the Sri Lankan government has formally confirmed this claim. Local media also estimated that the country has lost a million dollars in research and programming due to this development. According to the FAO, the vessel is unlikely to return to the region before 2030. This debacle is not just about one vessel. For the past few years, Sri Lanka has been pressured by India and the United States to block Chinese research vessels from docking and replenishing in the country. Unable to deal with Indo-U.S. pressure, Sri Lanka imposed a blanket ban on research vessels for a year in December 2023. This decision kneecapped the country's marine studies initiatives. When the moratorium was imposed in 2023, the Ranil Wickremesinghe administration said that the year would be used to develop clear, transparent, and science-based SOPs for foreign research ships. However, distracted by domestic electoral politics, the administration failed to finalize these guidelines. This blanket ban expired in December 2024, but the SOPs are still not in place. In January 2025, the Sri Lankan government pledged to review the work that has been done and develop comprehensive SOPs, even appointing a new committee led by Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath to oversee the process. Yet, as of July 2025, these SOPs have yet to materialize. In the case of the U.N. ship, officials at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Ministry of Fisheries are left in bureaucratic limbo, unable to guarantee approvals or even communicate a clear timeline to international partners. Director General of the MFA's Public Diplomacy Division, Thushara Rodrigo, told journalists that he doesn't know when the SOPs will be finalized. 'The decision rests entirely with the committee making the SOPs, its discussions, and its reviews.' His view was that Sri Lanka should not allow any research vessel in without established SOPs: 'If we proceed informally now, it could set a precedent for future similar situations. We are more concerned with safeguarding Sri Lanka's best interests in the long term, not just for this single case.' Sri Lanka's institutional caution is understandable given the geopolitical context. In the highly contested Indian Ocean, India considers Sri Lankan waters as within its sphere of influence. Each foreign research vessel is scrutinized for its strategic intent rather than its scientific mission. A section of the Sri Lankan media and academics have been insisting over the past few years that Sri Lanka must draft and adopt comprehensive SOPs for foreign research vessels. These protocols, developed collaboratively by marine scientists, legal experts, security officials, and fisheries stakeholders, could reinforce Sri Lanka's sovereignty. They insist that well-crafted SOPs for foreign research vessels can be a critical line of defense for Sri Lanka's sovereignty. By requiring prior notifications, setting strict clearance protocols, or even denying access outright, the country can assert its rights under international law and set boundaries on great-power behavior. However, Sri Lanka must understand that they are not foolproof shields. Those who believe that the country is facing pressure from India and the U.S. because it lacks an SOP must understand that even with an SOP that adheres to the best international standards, India and the U.S. will continue to pressure Sri Lanka to ban Chinese research vessels from docking in Sri Lanka. And China, which becomes more powerful with each passing year, will push back harder against Indian and U.S. attempts to hinder its operations in the Indian Ocean. The strategic dynamics of the Indian Ocean region ensure ongoing interference, irrespective of administrative safeguards like SOPs. Sri Lanka's long-term maritime strategy, therefore, must extend beyond SOPs, incorporating diplomatic agility, regional alliances, and proactive international engagement to safeguard its blue economy future.
