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Reuters
3 days ago
- Politics
- Reuters
Israelis calm as Iranian retaliatory attacks loom
TEL AVIV, June 13 (Reuters) - The streets of Tel Aviv were calm on Friday morning, even as the country's leaders warned the public to brace for Iranian retaliation after Israel launched a widescale attack on Iran. The military closed schools nationwide and banned public gatherings, cancelling the annual Tel Aviv Pride parade, which normally attracts tens of thousands of revellers to the city. "We've already been in this scenario twice," said 31-year-old Uri, sitting on a bench outside a supermarket, questioning whether to open his restaurant or have to throw out the day's food. "I don't really care, honestly. I'll just go to a shelter and I'll be okay," he said, when asked whether he had any concerns about his own safety. Iran fired hundreds of drones and ballistic missiles at Israel in two attacks last year in response to Israeli strikes, rattling the Israeli public but causing only modest damage. Tehran has vowed retaliation for Israel's early morning attack on Friday on Iranian military and nuclear facilities that killed several top commanders. Israel said it was working to intercept 100 drones that were launched by Iran, but had not reached Israel. The Israeli public has been told to be prepared to spend long hours in bomb shelters, with the government warning that it would be carrying out a prolonged attack against its arch foe. Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel's longest-serving prime minister, invoked the horrors of the Nazi Holocaust during World War Two to justify his decision to attack Iran, framing the strikes as a decisive step to protect Israel from a future existential threat. Over the past year, Israel has openly clashed with Tehran, firing rocket salvos deep into Iran. After militant group Hamas launched a surprise attack on Israeli communities in October 2023, Israel dismantled many of Iran's allies, including Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon. "Iran? That's the first place we need to attack if you ask me," said Aviv, 38, adding he hoped the strikes would lead to the release of 53 mostly Israeli hostages held by Hamas in Gaza. In Gaza, which has been reduced to a wasteland by Israel's devastating campaign, some hoped that the strike on Iran might pave the way for an end to the war in the coastal enclave. "We hope that this time the Iranians will push for a comprehensive solution," said Abu Abdallah, a Palestinian businessman displaced to the south of Gaza. Across Israel, supermarkets and some cafes remained open, although some businesses chose to keep their doors shuttered. Shoppers stocked up on food and bottled water, prompting long queues at checkouts. "My fridge is empty," said 41-year-old Noha as she made her way to a supermarket. The mother of two said she was due to celebrate their wedding anniversary with her husband at a hotel. Noha said she was worried about the severity of any potential retaliatory strike, adding that people were asking whether the bomb shelters in their apartment buildings would be strong enough to withstand it, or if it might be safer to seek refuge underground. The strike on Iran comes as Netanyahu's right-wing coalition has faced growing domestic and international pressure over the Gaza war, now in its 21st month. "The way the government is handling things is horrible," Noha said, adding that she condemned the decision to strike Iran, fearing that it will put the country in further danger. "Because I feel like we have reached the top end of the scale, like this is serious this time. It feels like okay, they have nothing to lose," she said. In Jerusalem, others expressed support for the decision. "I am very happy for this. We were waiting for this," said 66-year-old Oral Liral. "Am Yisrael Chai. We are strong. We will be here. It's our country," she said, using a Hebrew expression of perseverance that means "the people of Israel live".


Jordan Times
20-05-2025
- Politics
- Jordan Times
Netanyahu's endgame: Isolation and the shattered illusion of power
There was a time when Benjamin Netanyahu appeared to have all the cards. The Palestinian Authority was largely passive, the occupied West Bank was relatively calm, Israel's diplomatic reach was expanding, and the United States seemed ready to bend international law to accommodate Israel's desire for complete control over Palestine. The Israeli prime minister had also, at least in his own estimation, succeeded in subduing Gaza, the persistently defiant enclave that had for years struggled unsuccessfully to break the suffocating Israeli blockade. Within Israel, Netanyahu had been celebrated as the nation's longest-serving prime minister, a figure who promised not only longevity but also unprecedented prosperity. To mark this milestone, Netanyahu employed a visual prop: a map of the Middle East, or, in his own words, 'the New Middle East.' This envisioned new Middle East, according to Netanyahu, was a unified green bloc, representing a future of 'great blessings' under Israeli leadership. Conspicuously absent from this map was Palestine in its entirety, both historic Palestine, now Israel, and the occupied Palestinian territories. Netanyahu's latest unveiling occurred at the United Nations General Assembly on September 22, 2023. His supposedly triumphant address was sparsely attended, and among those present, enthusiasm was notably absent. This, however, seemed of little consequence to Netanyahu, his coalition of extremists, or the broader Israeli public. Historically, Israel has placed its reliance on the support of a select few nations considered, in their own calculus, to be of primary importance: Washington and a handful of European capitals. Then came the October 7 assault. Initially, Israel leveraged the Palestinian attack to garner Western and international support, both validating its existing policies and justifying its intended response. However, this sympathy rapidly dissipated as it became apparent that Israel's response entailed a campaign of genocide, the extermination of the Palestinian people in Gaza, and the ethnic cleansing of Gaza's population and West Bank communities. As images and footage of the devastating carnage in Gaza surfaced, anti-Israeli sentiment surged. Even Israel's allies struggled to justify the deliberate killing of tens of thousands of innocent civilians, predominantly women and children. Nations like Britain imposed partial arms embargoes on Israel, while France attempted a balancing act, calling for a ceasefire while suppressing domestic activists advocating for the same. The pro-Israel Western narrative has become increasingly incoherent, yet remains deeply problematic. Washington, under President Biden, initially maintained unwavering support, implicitly endorsing Israel's objective - genocide and ethnic cleansing. However, as Israel failed to achieve its perceived objectives, Biden's public stance began to shift. He called for a ceasefire, though without demonstrating any tangible willingness to pressure Israel. Biden's staunch support for Israel has been cited by many as a contributing factor to the Democratic Party's losses in the 2024 elections. Then, Trump arrived. Netanyahu and his supporters, both in Israel and Washington, anticipated that Israel's actions in Palestine and the wider region, Lebanon, Syria, etc., would align with a broader strategic plan. They believed Trump's administration would be willing to escalate further. This escalation, they envisioned, would include military action against Iran, the displacement of Palestinians from Gaza, the fragmentation of Syria, the weakening of Yemen's Ansarallah, and more, without significant concessions. Initially, Trump signaled a willingness to pursue this agenda: deploying heavier bombs, issuing direct threats against Iran, intensifying operations against Ansarallah, and expressing interest in controlling Gaza and displacing its population. However, Netanyahu's expectations yielded only unfulfilled promises. This raises the question: was Trump deliberately misleading Netanyahu, or did evolving circumstances necessitate a reassessment of his initial plans? The latter explanation appears more plausible. Efforts to intimidate Iran proved ineffective, leading to a series of diplomatic engagements between Tehran and Washington, first in Oman, then in Rome. Ansarallah demonstrated resilience, prompting the US on May 6 to curtail its military campaigns in Yemen, specifically the Operation 'Rough Rider'. On May 16, a US official announced that the USS Harry S. Truman would withdraw from the region. Notably, on May 12, Hamas and Washington announced a separate agreement, independent of Israel, for the release of US-Israeli captive Edan Alexander. The culmination occurred on May 14, when Trump delivered a speech at a US-Saudi investment forum in Riyadh, advocating for regional peace and prosperity, lifting sanctions on Syria, and emphasizing a diplomatic resolution with Iran. Conspicuously absent from these regional shifts was Benjamin Netanyahu and his strategic 'vision'. Netanyahu responded to these developments by intensifying military operations against Palestinian hospitals in Gaza, targeting patients within the Nasser and European Hospitals. This action, targeting the most vulnerable, was interpreted as a message to Washington and Arab states that his objectives remained unchanged, regardless of the consequences. The intensified Israeli military operations in Gaza are an attempt by Netanyahu to project strength amidst perceived political vulnerability. This escalation has resulted in a sharp increase in Palestinian casualties and exacerbated food shortages, if not outright famine, for over two million people. It remains uncertain how long Netanyahu will remain in power, but his political standing has significantly deteriorated. He faces widespread domestic opposition and international condemnation. Even his primary ally, the United States, has signaled a shift in its approach. This period may mark the beginning of the end for Benjamin Netanyahu's political career and, potentially, for the policies associated with his horrifically violent government. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is 'Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak Out'. His other books include 'My Father was a Freedom Fighter' and 'The Last Earth'. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is