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The Wire
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Wire
Andhra's U-turn on Appealing Tuni Arson Verdict Spotlights Clout of Kapu Community
New Delhi: The Andhra Pradesh government has quickly reversed its decision to appeal the 2023 acquittal of 41 people in the 2016 Tuni train arson case. This sudden reversal, made within 24 hours, throws into sharp relief the political sensitivity surrounding the Kapu community. Events began Monday (June 2), when the Home (Courts-B) Department issued a government order (G.O. Rt. No. 852). The order directed the public prosecutor at the Andhra Pradesh high court to appeal the May 1, 2023 judgment of Vijayawada's VII Additional Metropolitan Magistrate Court for Railways. That judgment had acquitted all accused in the Tuni arson case. By Tuesday, however, another order, G.O. Rt. No. 869, formally withdrew the earlier directive. The public prosecutor was instructed not to proceed with the appeal. The initial G.O. reportedly prompted concern among political leaders. Deputy chief minister Pawan Kalyan, president of the Jana Sena Party (JSP) and a prominent Kapu leader, was reportedly displeased by the move to reopen a case affecting Kapu sentiments. The decision to withdraw the G.O. drew public statements from Kapu community representatives. Chinamilli Venkatarayudu, Kapunadu West Godavari district president, was quoted by South First saying the initial move was intended to 'persecute the Kapus'. Bandi Srinivasa Rao, a Kapu Ikya Vedika leader from Eluru district, reportedly called the initial decision 'vendetta politics', adding that the government had 'hurt the feelings of the Kapus'. The Tuni incident, central to these government orders, occurred on January 31, 2016. During a 'Kapu garjana ' ('roar of Kapus') rally in Tuni in East Godavari district, led by former minister Mudragada Padmanabham, to demand OBC status for the Kapu community, protesters allegedly stormed the Tuni railway station. Four coaches of the Ratnachal Express were set on fire and other public property was damaged. The Railway Protection Force (RPF) later filed cases against 41 individuals, including Padmanabham (accused #1) and Dadisetti Raja (accused #3), then a Kapu leader and now Tuni MLA, under sections of the Indian Penal Code and the Railways Act. On May 1, 2023, the Vijayawada railway court acquitted all 41 accused, citing insufficient evidence and procedural lapses in the investigation. The court also ordered disciplinary action against three RPF officials for a flawed investigation. The Wire has reached out to Padmanabham. We shall update the copy once he responds. Why is the Kapu community politically so important? The Kapu community forms an estimated 15-17% of Andhra Pradesh's population, concentrated in coastal districts, particularly East and West Godavari. This demographic strength translates into considerable electoral influence. For decades, some Kapus have persistently demanded inclusion in the OBC list, similar to agitations by Jats, Marathas and Patels elsewhere in India. This demand often accompanies a sense of historical underrepresentation in political power compared to the Kamma and Reddy communities, which respectively provide much of the leadership and support for the Telugu Desam Party and the YSR Congress Party. Kapu community leaders assert large population figures to bolster these claims for political power and resources. Historical analyses show various cultivating sub-groups (Munnurukapus, Balijas, Telagas) consolidated under the broader 'Kapu' identity, a term originally meaning cultivator. Pressures from the post-liberalisation economy also intensify these socio-political dynamics and demands. There have been previous attempts to politically mobilise the Kapu community. In 2009, Chiranjeevi, a popular Telugu actor and Pawan Kalyan's elder brother, launched the Praja Rajyam Party. Stating 'social justice' as its motto, it won about 18% of the vote and around 20 assembly seats. However, the party was merged into the Congress immediately after the elections. Pawan Kalyan, himself a major film star, began his political journey in 2014, initially backing the National Democratic Alliance. He later distanced himself, aligning with Left parties and the Bahujan Samaj Party for the 2019 elections, before later embracing a more pronounced Hindutva stance. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.
Hindustan Times
29-05-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Mandal 2.0: Caste count to set stage for another churn in Uttar Pradesh politics?
Slogans often define the politics of the times and a state. In Uttar Pradesh, the catch phrase, 'Jiski jitni sankhya bhari, uski utni hissedari (proportionate share according to population),' has been symbolic of the dominance of caste as a factor in almost every election. Over the years, the state has witnessed a few mini caste surveys though, officially, the nationwide caste count to be done with the upcoming national census now will be the first such pan-India exercise since 1931. Vociferously demanded by the Opposition and initially opposed by the BJP, caste enumeration has been accepted by the ruling party, setting the stage for a churn over three decades after the Mandal commission recommendations changed the political discourse. The new exercise could lead to the firming up of or redrawing of strategy by parties which expect a keen poll battle in Uttar Pradesh where the next assembly elections are due in 2027 and where previous mini-surveys have put the OBC population at over 50%. The caste enumeration is likely to be completed in 2026. Political observers note that after Bihar, where the Nitish Kumar-led government conducted a caste-based survey in 2023, Uttar Pradesh will be the next decisive state where such data could significantly influence electoral strategies. Indeed, the Modi government's sudden decision to enumerate caste along with the national census in the country, is expected to significantly shape electoral narratives in a state like U.P. that is often described as India's 'caste cauldron' for its deeply entrenched and electorally decisive caste identities. Past efforts in Uttar Pradesh offer some insights on the caste numbers in the state. 'Previous caste surveys have put the OBC population in the state at around 54% of the total,' said Jai Singh, a research officer in the Uttar Pradesh State Commission for Backward Classes. According to him, currently there are 79 OBC castes listed as socially and educationally backward, enjoying the quota benefits in government jobs and in admission in government educational institutes etc. Initially, 55 castes were categorised as OBCs in Uttar Pradesh in 1977 when the reservation for the OBCs came into being in the state. The number of OBC castes in U.P. went up post-Mandal commission. 'In U.P, Jats are also counted among the OBCs though they are treated as general caste for the purpose of reservation in Central government's jobs and admission in Central government institutes,' he said. The fresh caste enumeration, the first in Independent India, he said, may unearth interesting and surprising caste dynamics in the state. According to him, at least three different committees in the past attempted caste enumeration and recommended their reservation share in government jobs in the state in the past. SATHI COMMITTEE In 1975, the Chhedi Lal Sathi committee was formed by then Congress government led by chief minister Hemwati Nandan Bahuguna to identify backward classes and recommend reservation percentages. The committee, which submitted its report to the state government in 1977, categorised 41 castes as most backward (26% of the state's population), recommending 17% reservation in government jobs. Additionally, 12 castes categorised as upper backward (20% of the population) were recommended for 10% reservation, while 2.5% reservation was suggested for Muslim backward castes (6% of the population). The report also advocated educational support, small-scale industry promotion and political reservation for these groups. HUKUM SINGH COMMITTEE In June 2001, the Rajnath Singh-led BJP government in U.P. set up a three-member committee led by then parliamentary affairs minister Hukum Singh. The two other members were the then health minister Ramapati Shastri and Dayaram Pal, a member of Legislative Council (MLC). The panel found that the benefits of reservations had not percolated down to the most deprived castes as the dominant castes among the OBCs and the SCs had the lion's share in government jobs. The committee also brought into focus the issue of the quota for the most backward classes (MBCs) within the 27% reservation granted to OBCs. It restructured the OBC reservation system into three groups — A, B, and C. Yadavs/Ahirs were placed in Group A with 5% reservation. Sonar, Jat, Kurmi, and others were put in Group B with 9%, and 70 other castes in Group C with another 9% quota. The committee, in its over 200-page report submitted on August 31,2001, found that Yadavs and Chamars dominated job reservations. The panel recommended splitting Scheduled Caste reservations into Chamar (10%) and other SCs (11%). The committee also noted a surge in OBC population from 41.13% in 1991 to 54.05% in 2001, with 24 new castes added to the OBC list. The Rajnath Singh government accepted the recommendations on September 13. Two days later, the Uttar Pradesh Public Service Commission (Reservation for SCs, STs and OBCs) Amendment Ordinance was promulgated by the governor. The Mayawati government that took the reins in May 2002 withdrew the ordinance, ostensibly because of splitting of the Scheduled Caste quota between Chamars (Jatavs) non-Chamar SCs. JUSTICE RAGHVENDRA COMMITTEE In 2018, the Justice Raghvendra Kumar Committee was tasked with evaluating the socio-economic status of backward castes and recommending more targeted reservations. While the detailed recommendations were kept under wraps, people aware of the issue indicated that the report highlighted the dominance of Kurmis and Yadavs in state services and proposed separate quotas for 'Ati Pichhra' (most backward) and 'Ati Dalit' (most deprived) sections. Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP) chief Om Prakash Rajbhar, currently minister in the Yogi Adityanath government, demanded a more robust OBC survey and quota rationalisation. He alleged underrepresentation of non-dominant backward castes after a parting of ways with the first Yogi government in 2019. Leaders from various sub-castes have since echoed the demand. Apna Dal (Sonelal) chief Anupriya Patel, Nishad Party's Sanjay Nishad, and SBSP chief Om Prakash Rajbhar—all part of the BJP-led alliance at some point—have called for caste enumeration as essential for equitable politics. MANDAL'S LEGACY AND THE RISE OF OBC LEADERS IN U.P. The implementation of the Mandal Commission report in 1990 reshaped Indian politics by empowering OBC communities and paving the way for a new generation of political leaders, particularly in Uttar Pradesh. Key OBC leaders who rose during the Mandal wave in the state included Mulayam Singh Yadav, who mobilised backward classes against upper-caste dominance and built the Samajwadi Party's OBC base. Kalyan Singh, a Lodh leader, combined Hindutva with OBC identity politics to expand the BJP's reach among non-Yadav OBCs. Beni Prasad Verma, a prominent Kurmi leader, championed backward class rights at the national level. Swami Prasad Maurya, a Maurya/Kushwaha leader, emerged as a prominent voice for non-Yadav OBCs. Om Prakash Rajbhar championed the cause of extremely backward classes. Shivpal Singh Yadav played a crucial role in consolidating OBC support within the SP. Sanjay Nishad mobilized the Nishad community under the broader OBC umbrella. These leaders significantly shifted U.P. politics from Congress's dominance to caste-based coalitions, leveraging Mandal's framework of social justice to assert OBC influence in governance and political representation. Apna Dal (S) chief and Union minister Anupriya Patel, a new-gen politician, wields considerable influence over Kurmi voters, one of the most dominant OBC castes in the state. After the death of her father Sone Lal Patel in 2009, she positioned herself as a vocal voice for Kurmis and other non-Yadav OBCs. ALL EYES ON BJP'S STAND With the legacy of Mandal still shaping U.P's political dynamics and a new generation of OBC leaders emerging, the BJP, while cautious, is aware of the churn. 'The rise of OBC leaders post-Mandal reshaped UP's political landscape and a caste census could further redefine power equations. It's not just about appeasement anymore, it's about realigning numbers and ensuring targeted delivery,' a senior BJP leader said. With OBC leaders asserting themselves and opposition parties, particularly the SP and the Congress, championing the issue, the ruling party faces a delicate balancing act. The BJP, according to political observers, had been on the backfoot since SC, OBC and MBC voters largely deserted it in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections in Uttar Pradesh. 'The BJP's volta face on the caste census issue also has to do something with its underwhelming performance in Uttar Pradesh in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls largely due to the OBC-MBC voters turning a cold shoulder to it,' political scientist Shashi Kant Pandey said. He said that the caste census was the right step provided the census data is used for the purpose of welfare of the people to help them get benefits in proportion to their numbers. 'Caste enumeration could dispel several myths about the perceived population of different castes and their representation in government jobs,' he said. Pandey cautioned that the data might not only fuel resentment among the general castes, especially if it is used to demand a quota hike for OBCs, but could also create friction within the OBCs themselves if data reveals that the most deprived castes among them are not receiving benefits proportional to their population. The BJP, aiming to maintain its OBC base while preventing caste fissures, may push for a broader socio-economic profiling rather than a pure caste census. But with Mandal-era leaders reasserting themselves and new caste dynamics emerging, the party faces a tough balancing act. As Pandey noted, 'The data could either consolidate backward caste politics or deepen divisions within the OBCs and between castes.' It will be interesting to watch as to how the BJP addresses the complex issue while preventing Hindus from splitting along caste lines — a concern the party as well as the RSS, its ideological parent, has consistently voiced.
Hindustan Times
29-05-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
HC rejects plea to form army Gujjar regiment
The Delhi high court on Wednesday took a dim view of a petition demanding the Centre to have an exclusive army regiment for Gujjars, terming such a move as 'divisive'. With the court declaring its intent to dismiss the petition with costs, the petitioner chose to withdraw the plea. The petition filed by Rohan Basoya referred to the tradition in the army to have units such as the Jat Regiment, Sikh Regiment, and Gorkha Regiment and demanded the Union government create a similar arrangement for the Gujjar community as well. 'It's absolutely divisive,' said a bench of chief justice DK Upadhyay and justice Tushar Rao Gedela finding no reason to entertain the petition. 'Which law vests a right to have such a regiment having people of a particular community? Where is that right? There has to be an infringement of the right.' Finding no response forthcoming, the court warned of dismissing the petition with heavy costs. Basoya chose to withdraw the plea. 'Heard the counsel for the petitioner. After arguing at some length, the counsel for the petitioner says that she has instructions from the petitioner to withdraw the writ. Accordingly, the petition is dismissed as withdrawn,' the order said. In his petition, Basoya, an advocate, asserted that the community despite having a rich martial legacy by way of its participation in various wars including 1857 revolt, Indo-Pak wars of 1947, 1965, 1971, Kargil war (1999) and counter insurgency operations in Jammu and Kashmir, had not been accorded a dedicated regiment, unlike other communities such as Sikhs, Jats, Rajputs, Gorkhas, and Dogras. 'Despite this rich martial legacy, they (Gujjars) have not been accorded a dedicated regiment, unlike other martial communities such as Sikhs, Jats, Rajputs, Gorkhas, and Dogras,' the petition stated. To be sure, all the examples cited by the petitioner refer to regiments that were formed and christened after communities in the 19th century by the British. The petitioner's argument was that ' the exclusion of Gujjars from the regimental system, violates Articles 14 and 16, contradicts Indian army precedents and denies rightful recognition of their military contributions.'
Time of India
28-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Delhi HC rejects 'divisive' PIL to create Gujjar Army regiment
Delhi high court NEW DELHI: Delhi high court on Wednesday rejected a PIL seeking a direction to the Union government to constitute a Gujjar regiment in Indian Army , and warned the petitioner that cost would be imposed for filing a 'divisive' petition. "There has to be a right vested in you either by any statute or any law or the Constitution. Which is the law that gives you the right to have such a regiment? Where is that right?" asked a division bench comprising chief justice D K Upadhyaya and Justice Tushar Rao Gedela. The petitioner, Rohan Basoya, argued that despite a rich martial legacy, Gujjars have not been accorded a dedicated regiment, unlike other martial communities such as Sikhs, Jats, Rajputs, Gorkhas, and Dogras. He submitted that the absence of a Gujjar regiment violates their constitutional rights. "The demand for a Gujjar regiment has been raised before, but no concrete steps have been taken by the govt. Given the community's presence in border regions like Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan, Uttarakhand, and Punjab, a Gujjar regiment would also serve strategic military interests in counterinsurgency and border security operations," the plea said.
Time of India
25-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
J&K LG Sinha warns ‘terrorist state' Pakistan against misadventure
JAMMU: Pakistan is on notice and any misadventure by it in future will lead Indian armed forces to destroy 'the terrorist state', J&K lieutenant governor Manoj Sinha warned on Sunday. Addressing a function organised by All J&K Jat Sabha in Jammu, Sinha highlighted the valour of Indian armed forces during 'Operation Sindoor' in the wake of the Pahalgam terror attack that killed 26 people, mostly tourists. Sinha reaffirmed govt's resolve to completely rid J&K of terrorism. 'I assure people there will be no discrimination between armed terrorists and their supporters and sympathisers. Their actions will be met with similar punishment,' the LG said. Sinha underscored the need to recognise elements trying to divide society. 'We must celebrate our diversity and foster unity to defeat the adversary's nefarious designs. Our brave armed forces have scripted a new saga of valor with Operation Sindoor . It is now our sacred task to transform the vision of a United and Viksit Bharat,' Sinha said. The LG paid homage to the victims of the Pahalgam attack and those killed in unprovoked shelling by Pakistan in the aftermath of Operation Sindoor. Sinha reiterated govt's commitment to proper rehabilitation of families displaced by the shelling. Sinha expressed gratitude to PM Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah for 'ushering in an era of equality in J&K and empowering marginalised communities'. The LG appealed to the brave 'Jats' and others to fight divisive forces. 'Jats have a rich legacy of valour, courage, and sacrifice. Many from the community reside near our borders, making them the country's first line of defence. Your devotion to the motherland has deepened nationalism in society,' Sinha said.
