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Economic Times
14 hours ago
- Politics
- Economic Times
Housekeeping time for Bangladesh
Live Events Even as an illegitimate Yunus is being pressured to announce legitimate elections in Bangladesh it is not clear whether it would be either inclusive or fair. India has, as have the Bangladesh army and sundry political formations in the country, rightfully called for the return of a people's mandate for the country at an early reluctance to hold elections by December 2025 seems to be goaded only by a misplaced appetite to hold on to power. Although the narrative that is being peddled is 'reforms before elections' such an argument does not hold water as the correct manner for reforms to be both introduced and enforced should actually rest on a popularly elected government that has the people's mandate. Yunus has no such mandate. He was foisted on a Bangladesh by a foreign power for extra-regional considerations including the creation of 'corridor' to the Rakhine province of Myanmar to facilitate war equipment for the Arakan Army to shore up its war against the Myanmar Army. The fact that even the Bangladesh armed forces have publicised their opposition to such a move showcases Yunus' partisanship and willingness to allow Bangladesh to be used by external any event, fair play necessitates that an inclusive election (as India has called for) cannot be without the Awami League contesting it. Although the secular party's leaders are in exile, hiding or in a state of disarray, the fact of the matter is that 55% of Bangladesh are Awami Leaguers and passionately loyal to Bangladesh's founding principles when it overthrew a malevolent Pakistan in 1971. Today, if they have been coerced into silence it is because of the muzzle of radical Islamism and street terror led by a few mercenaries cloaked in student's attire. The banning of the Awami League is not must make it clear to the world and, of course, to Bangladesh what it means by inclusive elections. By any stretch of imagination, it cannot be without the inclusion of the Awami League, the political party that gave birth to ban on the radical Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) has been revoked by Bangladesh's judiciary, paving the way for its participation in elections. It is a recorded fact that Gholam Azam's JeI had collaborated with the rampaging Pakistan army after the onset of Operation Searchlight on 26 March 1971 which resulted in the genocide of the Bengali people in the erstwhile East Pakistan. It is not immediately understood as to how the people who adjudicate in Bangladesh can permit the 'Return of the Razakars' even as it sits mute to the banning of the Awami League, a formation which, as aforesaid, was the prime pronouncement for the formation of a new nation. It has to be admitted that free agency is being feloniously denied in present day manner in which a legitimately elected Sheikh Hasina was ousted, it is now beginning to be understood, had no popular endorsement in Bangladesh. It was nothing but swift overthrow of power, the mechanics of which were engineered by an extraneous power and summarily transported to the streets of other incidental reasons, one of the explanations for Sheikh Hasina's fleeing her homeland was because she resisted pressure from the extra-regional power to use her country as a launching detachment against the Myanmarese junta which the Chinese are was caught in the cross-currents of big power play. The overseas power wants a satellite state in the region and Yunus willingly played into the plot. Even the Chinese who were trying to elbow into the erstwhile East Pakistan were caught off guards. The Chinese do not play chequers in the manner that it has been put out in popular Indian media, but very cautiously and in a calibrated manner even if it means waiting for the turn of a generation. In fact, very little is known about the truth of Lalmonirhat. It is a strong possibility that the plan for a Chinese airbase in Lalmonirhat is yet another propaganda attempt by the West to dupe Op Sindoor brought back some legitimacy to the shores of India it is because of Modi-Shah's high Indian political acumen and ability to rise, rally and redeem for India. Indeed, the only force that stood by the nation and steadfast for God and country was the Indian armed forces. India continues to be fortified because its warriors in land, sea and air came as one to defend and protect. India also succeeded in signalling a measured approach to countering cross-border one aspect that needs to be forcefully flagged in the midst of the 'fog of war' is the fact that the terrorist eco-system has proliferated beyond Pakistan's sponsorship. It has not only reached Bangladesh but into India's vulnerable innards. Recent reports are of the opinion that Islamist tanzeems like Lashkar-e-Toiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad in concert with radical groups in Bangladesh are planning a massive radicalisation exercise of students in Indian universities. If such sinister anti-India moves are not nipped in the bud, then the nation will careen out of control. Gratefully pre-emptive steps that are correctly being taken in Assam by a farsighted Assamese leadership and the Assam Police, are laudable and must be emulated by the rest of might be questioned as to why is India has suddenly become so protective of answers are simple. First, because it had lent valuable Indian blood during its creation in 1971. Secondly, because it wants to safeguard its backyard from the rise of radical Islamism emanating from Bangladesh that may threaten the North East and in times to come the rest of India and finally to protect the sacred eastern shores from extra-regional planning that must occupy the policy makers in Raisina Hill in the coming weeks and months should be not only to 'archive the pain' that has been endured in Dhaka and Pahalgam in the last several months, but go forward in a positive quest for immediate remedial housekeeping in a country whose socio-political character has an important bearing on India's North Gen Arun Kumar Sahni is a Former Army Commander and GOC Dimapur Corps. Jaideep Saikia is a top strategist and bestselling author.
Time of India
14 hours ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Housekeeping time for Bangladesh
Even as an illegitimate Yunus is being pressured to announce legitimate elections in Bangladesh it is not clear whether it would be either inclusive or fair. India has, as have the Bangladesh army and sundry political formations in the country, rightfully called for the return of a people's mandate for the country at an early date. Yunus' reluctance to hold elections by December 2025 seems to be goaded only by a misplaced appetite to hold on to power. Although the narrative that is being peddled is 'reforms before elections' such an argument does not hold water as the correct manner for reforms to be both introduced and enforced should actually rest on a popularly elected government that has the people's mandate. Yunus has no such mandate. He was foisted on a Bangladesh by a foreign power for extra-regional considerations including the creation of 'corridor' to the Rakhine province of Myanmar to facilitate war equipment for the Arakan Army to shore up its war against the Myanmar Army. The fact that even the Bangladesh armed forces have publicised their opposition to such a move showcases Yunus' partisanship and willingness to allow Bangladesh to be used by external machinations. In any event, fair play necessitates that an inclusive election (as India has called for) cannot be without the Awami League contesting it. Although the secular party's leaders are in exile, hiding or in a state of disarray, the fact of the matter is that 55% of Bangladesh are Awami Leaguers and passionately loyal to Bangladesh's founding principles when it overthrew a malevolent Pakistan in 1971. Today, if they have been coerced into silence it is because of the muzzle of radical Islamism and street terror led by a few mercenaries cloaked in student's attire. The banning of the Awami League is not acceptable. India must make it clear to the world and, of course, to Bangladesh what it means by inclusive elections. By any stretch of imagination, it cannot be without the inclusion of the Awami League, the political party that gave birth to Bangladesh. The ban on the radical Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) has been revoked by Bangladesh's judiciary, paving the way for its participation in elections. It is a recorded fact that Gholam Azam's JeI had collaborated with the rampaging Pakistan army after the onset of Operation Searchlight on 26 March 1971 which resulted in the genocide of the Bengali people in the erstwhile East Pakistan. It is not immediately understood as to how the people who adjudicate in Bangladesh can permit the 'Return of the Razakars' even as it sits mute to the banning of the Awami League, a formation which, as aforesaid, was the prime pronouncement for the formation of a new nation. It has to be admitted that free agency is being feloniously denied in present day Bangladesh. Live Events The manner in which a legitimately elected Sheikh Hasina was ousted, it is now beginning to be understood, had no popular endorsement in Bangladesh. It was nothing but swift overthrow of power, the mechanics of which were engineered by an extraneous power and summarily transported to the streets of Dhaka. Among other incidental reasons, one of the explanations for Sheikh Hasina's fleeing her homeland was because she resisted pressure from the extra-regional power to use her country as a launching detachment against the Myanmarese junta which the Chinese are supporting. Bangladesh was caught in the cross-currents of big power play. The overseas power wants a satellite state in the region and Yunus willingly played into the plot. Even the Chinese who were trying to elbow into the erstwhile East Pakistan were caught off guards. The Chinese do not play chequers in the manner that it has been put out in popular Indian media, but very cautiously and in a calibrated manner even if it means waiting for the turn of a generation. In fact, very little is known about the truth of Lalmonirhat. It is a strong possibility that the plan for a Chinese airbase in Lalmonirhat is yet another propaganda attempt by the West to dupe India. If Op Sindoor brought back some legitimacy to the shores of India it is because of Modi-Shah's high Indian political acumen and ability to rise, rally and redeem for India. Indeed, the only force that stood by the nation and steadfast for God and country was the Indian armed forces. India continues to be fortified because its warriors in land, sea and air came as one to defend and protect. India also succeeded in signalling a measured approach to countering cross-border terror. However, one aspect that needs to be forcefully flagged in the midst of the 'fog of war' is the fact that the terrorist eco-system has proliferated beyond Pakistan's sponsorship. It has not only reached Bangladesh but into India's vulnerable innards. Recent reports are of the opinion that Islamist tanzeems like Lashkar-e-Toiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad in concert with radical groups in Bangladesh are planning a massive radicalisation exercise of students in Indian universities. If such sinister anti-India moves are not nipped in the bud, then the nation will careen out of control. Gratefully pre-emptive steps that are correctly being taken in Assam by a farsighted Assamese leadership and the Assam Police, are laudable and must be emulated by the rest of India. It might be questioned as to why is India has suddenly become so protective of Bangladesh. The answers are simple. First, because it had lent valuable Indian blood during its creation in 1971. Secondly, because it wants to safeguard its backyard from the rise of radical Islamism emanating from Bangladesh that may threaten the North East and in times to come the rest of India and finally to protect the sacred eastern shores from extra-regional piracy. The planning that must occupy the policy makers in Raisina Hill in the coming weeks and months should be not only to 'archive the pain' that has been endured in Dhaka and Pahalgam in the last several months, but go forward in a positive quest for immediate remedial housekeeping in a country whose socio-political character has an important bearing on India's North East. Lt Gen Arun Kumar Sahni is a Former Army Commander and GOC Dimapur Corps. Jaideep Saikia is a top strategist and bestselling author.
![Indian Media Outlet Firstpost: 'China And Pakistan Have Emerged As [Chief Advisor Of Bangladesh Muhammad] Yunus's Most Ardent Supporters'](/_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.memri.org%2Fsites%2Fdefault%2Ffiles%2Fnew_images%2Forg%2F1842_thumb_320.jpg&w=3840&q=100)
![Indian Media Outlet Firstpost: 'China And Pakistan Have Emerged As [Chief Advisor Of Bangladesh Muhammad] Yunus's Most Ardent Supporters'](/_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Fall-logos-bucket.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fmemri.org.png&w=48&q=75){kind=small}
Memri
a day ago
- Business
- Memri
Indian Media Outlet Firstpost: 'China And Pakistan Have Emerged As [Chief Advisor Of Bangladesh Muhammad] Yunus's Most Ardent Supporters'
On August 5, 2024, the Sheikh Hasina government in Bangladesh, which had strengthened its ties with India, was ousted, following anti-government protests.[1] Since then, Dhaka has been rushing to get closer to its estranged parent, Pakistan, from which it separated in a bitter and bloody Liberation War in 1971. Bangladeshi Islamist in August 2024. (Source: Under Rule Of Muhammad Yunus In Bangladesh, Pakistan Is Strengthening Its Ties With The Country Muhammad Yunus, the Nobel laureate and founder of Grameen Bank, "once hailed as the savior of Bangladesh's poor," is now the chief adviser to Bangladesh's interim government. Yet, as mentioned by the Indian media outlet Firstpost, Yunus has shown no intention of relinquishing control of power. Meanwhile, China and Pakistan have emerged as his "most ardent supporters." Under Yunus' rule, Pakistan is dangerously strengthening its ties with Bangladesh. Firstpost noted: "If Pakistan's terror policy, 'to bleed India by a thousand cuts,' gets operational from the soil of Bangladesh, it might create a new dilemma for New Delhi. Terrorism observers say Pakistan has used a similar approach in the past, when outfits such as Harkat-ul-Jihad-al Islami (HuJI) carried out terror blasts in India." It is worth noting that, during the 1980s, Pakistan played a significant role in recruiting and training fighters, including Bangladeshis, against Russia-controlled Afghanistan in the 1980s. These trained resources returned home and set up terror outfits in Bangladesh in the early 1990s. After that, in just two decades, the number of terror outfits in Bangladesh grew to 133.[2] The price was paid by Bangladesh, which witnessed nearly 60 Islamic fundamentalist attacks between 1999 and 2016. This includes the heinous July 2016 Dhaka attack, in which five terrorists took hostages and opened fire on the Holey Artisan Bakery, in which more than 20 people were killed, mostly foreigners. (Source: Asian News International, ANI) Jihadis Thrived Under BNP-Jamaat Rule Yet, jihadi activities in Bangladesh thrived during the 2001- 2006 period, when Jamaat-e-lslami (JEI),[3] established in Pakistan, became part of the ruling government coalition along with the nationalist pro-Islamist Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). This Nationalist-Islamist government was led by Prime Minister Khaleda Zia. It is worth noting that JeI collaborated with the Pakistan Army to unleash violence on Bangladeshi civilians during the 1971 Liberation War. JeI militants were accused of killing and raping thousands of Bangladeshis and played a lead role in wiping out an entire generation of secular intellectuals. Bangladesh witnessed 25 jihadi attacks during the BNP-Jamaat rule. This includes the 2004 blast injuring the British High Commissioner, the grenade attack on opposition leader and former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, and the synchronized blasts in 63 of 64 districts on October 3, 2005. The biggest expose of the era was the 10-truck arms haul case of 2004, which involved a huge cache of arms imported through Chittagong Port headed for India's Northeast. The interception exposed involvement of a part of the administration in terror. BNP-Jamaat's Connection With the Terrorist Organization Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami Bangladesh (HuJI-B) The most dangerous part of the Khaleda Zia-led BNP-Jamaat rule was Bangladesh's involvement in cross-border terrorism. The 2002 U.S. Consulate attack in Kolkata was attributed to Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-lslami Bangladesh (HUJI-B). India immediately nabbed the attackers. At the time of apprehension, the prime culprit Aftab Ansari was in possession of Pakistani travel documents. A 2011 publication by the Asia Pacific Centre for Security Studies, a part of the U.S. Department of Defense, blamed the same organization for a series of bomb blasts in India's northeastern state of Assam in mid-1999. Yes, there is substantial documentation indicating connections between the BNP, JeI, and HuJI-B: -Ataur Rahman Khan, a BNP politician and former Member of Parliament, was a founding member of HuJI-B. In 1988, he visited Afghanistan and met with Osama bin Laden, highlighting early ties between BNP figures and HuJI-B. -Mufti Abdul Hannan, the HuJI-B chief, confessed that Tarique Rahman, then Senior Joint Secretary General of BNP, assured him and his associates of support. This indicates direct communication and possible collaboration between BNP leadership and HuJI-B operatives. -In the 2004 grenade attack targeting an Awami League rally, Mufti Abdul Hannan revealed that he received assistance from Lutfozzaman Babar, the then State Minister for Home Affairs under the BNP government. Babar, along with Abdus Salam Pintu, a BNP leader and former Deputy Minister, provided administrative support to HuJI-B for executing the attack. -Maulana Tajuddin, the supplier of the grenades used in the attack, is the brother of Abdus Salam Pintu, further indicating familial and political ties between BNP figures and HuJI-B operatives. -2001 Narayanganj Bombing: HuJI-B was implicated in this attack, which targeted an Awami League meeting. Investigations suggested that the attack was motivated by opposition to the banning of senior JeI leaders, indicating ideological alignment between HuJI-B and JeI. -2005 Bangladesh Bombings: HuJI-B, along with Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), orchestrated synchronized bombings across the country. These attacks occurred during the BNP-led government, raising concerns about the government's commitment to countering Islamist militancy. BNP and Jamaat Are The Immediate Beneficiaries of Sheikh Hasina's Ousting When Sheikh Hasina government assumed power in January 2009, Jamaat and its sponsors in Pakistan unleashed Islamist forces against it. When Sheikh Hasina was ousted, after massive student protests, Pakistan's Islamist Urdu-language daily Roznama Ummat featured on August 7, 2024, a headline on its front page: "Hundreds of opposition leaders freed, offices of Jamaat-e-Islami opened." Sensing the immediate rise of Islamist forces, the August 8 issue of Roznama Ummat also blamed, in an editorial, "a Satanic project aided by the Zionist and Western powers" for propping up Sheikh Hasina and wrote: "All praise be to Allah, the Two Nation Theory is proving its truth even today, and Allah willing, will remain alive till the Day of Judgment." The Two Nation Theory is the idea that Muslims and non-Muslims cannot live together under a mixed political system, a religious principle that gave birth to Pakistan as an Islamic state in 1947 and failed when the state broke up in 1971, creating Bangladesh on a linguistic basis. In Bangladesh, the pro-Islamist BNP and the Bangladesh JeI are two major immediate beneficiaries of the student protests led by the Students Against Discrimination (SAD), which engineered the fall of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. With Sheikh Hasina removed from the political scene, the secular forces in Bangladesh represented by her Awami League party will take a backseat. JeI Bangladesh Makes Full Political Comeback To please the Islamists, the Yunus administration released 300 deadly terrorists from jail. Dhaka is now full of posters and flags of Al-Qaeda and ISIS. The banned Hizb-ut Tahrir resurfaced. They held media conferences at the Press Club and organized demonstrations in the capital city. Bangladesh is now racing to share Pakistan's status as a terror factory. The economy is also failing. The floodgates have opened for pro-Islamist forces represented by the BNP of Khaleda Zia and her ideological ally Bangladesh JeI. It is worth noting that community leaders noted that the oath taken by Muhammad Yunus and his council of advisors included Quranic verses but did not refer to the religious texts of Hindus and other minorities. "The exclusion of readings from other religious texts contradicts our constitution, the spirit of the Liberation War, and anti-discrimination values. We hope that in the future state functions, readings from all major religious texts will be included," remarked Kajal Devnath, one of the Hindu community leaders. Meanwhile, Bangladesh's Supreme Court has reinstated the political registration of JeI Bangladesh and its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, which were banned for their links to jihadism in 2013. As reported by the media: "The verdict, which follows an earlier decision by the Muhammad Yunus-led caretaker government to lift the ban, marks Jamaat's return to the political mainstream after over a decade in the shadows. With this legal clearance, the Islamist party is now eligible to contest national elections." Below are excerpts of Firstpost's article:[4] China And Pakistan "Bolster Islamist Political Elements in Bangladesh" "Muhammad Yunus, the Nobel laureate and founder of Grameen Bank, once hailed as the savior of Bangladesh's poor, is now at the center of an international geopolitical game. Appointed as the chief adviser to Bangladesh's interim government following Sheikh Hasina's dramatic exit in August 2024, Yunus has since transformed from a globally celebrated development icon into a power-hungry technocrat. "As the chief adviser, Yunus is practically the head of the Bangladesh government with powers comparable to the prime minister, though theoretically curtailed. Constitutionally, Yunus's primary responsibility is to hold parliamentary election in Bangladesh, paving way for the return of an elected government. But Yunus has shown no intention of relinquishing control of power. "His statements indicate that Yunus is not inclined to hold parliamentary election in Bangladesh anytime soon. He has dropped hints that it could be held in 2026. He is using this time to undertake key bilateral visits to Pakistan and China, two countries profusely interested in geopolitical gains in Bangladesh, a country that sits on the top of key Bay of Bengal basin. "Incidentally, China and Pakistan have emerged as Yunus 's most ardent supporters. Neither of these countries are known for their democratic credentials. Their reasons are both strategic and ideological. Both nations see Yunus's prolonged hold on power and the indefinite delay of elections as beneficial to their respective regional ambitions – particularly to counter India's influence, propagate authoritarian governance and bolster Islamist political elements in Bangladesh." "Yunus... Is Someone Who Can Offer Practically No Resistance To... China's Belt and Road Initiative" "For China, Bangladesh is a crucial link in its South Asian strategy. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has already seen significant investments in Bangladeshi infrastructure, including ports, railways and power plants. A democratic government might reassess or renegotiate these projects, especially if nationalist sentiment rises. Yunus, leading a technocratic interim government with no direct electoral accountability, provides Beijing the perfect insurance policy. "For the communist regime of Beijing, Yunus – untethered from electoral mandates – is someone who can offer practically no 'resistance to long-term strategic projects like China's Belt and Road Initiative.' With Yunus delaying elections under the pretext of electoral reforms, China can rest easy knowing that its investments are secure, at least for the foreseeable future. "Moreover, China has consistently opposed the spread of democratic activism along its borders. To suit the Chinese design, Yunus recently floated a tentative election timeline extending into 2026 citing the need for 'national consensus' and 'electoral reform.' Both these processes can be an endless wait for a country trained in democracy. For Beijing, such rhetoric mimics its own authoritarian governance model, which cloaks centralized control in technocratic or reformist language." "If Pakistan's Terror Policy, To Bleed India By A Thousand Cuts, Gets Operational From The Soil of Bangladesh, It Might Create A New Dilemma For New Delhi" "Pakistan's interest in Yunus staying in power is less about infrastructure and more about ideology, regional power play and strategic depth in raising fundamentalist elements that can be used against India. Under Hasina, Bangladesh had strengthened its ties with India, particularly in counterterrorism and economic cooperation. Hasina's administration aggressively cracked down on Islamist extremists and kept Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) in check. "With Hasina gone, Islamabad sees a rare opportunity. Experts point out Pakistan's ISI has worked in tandem with various Islamist factions and even aligned itself with elements of the US 'deep state' to facilitate Hasina's ouster. Now, with Yunus at the helm, Pakistan is eager to tilt Dhaka's policies more toward Islamabad and away from New Delhi. "This effort includes encouraging Bangladesh to adopt a more favorable stance on issues like Jammu and Kashmir and playing down India's role in the 1971 Liberation War. Notably, on the 54th Vijay Diwas (16 December), Yunus made no mention of India's role or Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's leadership, choosing instead to slam Hasina's government as the 'world's worst autocratic regime.' This calculated omission speaks volumes and aligns with Pakistan's revisionist narrative. "There is another reason for Pakistan to keep a pliable 'not India-friendly' person as the Bangladesh leader. India has called Pakistan's bluff with Operation Sindoor after the Pahalgam terror attack in Jammu and Kashmir on April 22. India has concretized its counter-terror policy by announcing that any act of terror by Pakistan or outfits it has sheltered and patronized for years as an act of war and will be responded accordingly without making a distinction between the state and non-state actors hitherto maintained in New Delhi's response. "If Pakistan's terror policy, 'to bleed India by a thousand cuts,' gets operational from the soil of Bangladesh, it might create a new dilemma for New Delhi. Terrorism observers say Pakistan has used a similar approach in the past, when outfits such as Harkat-ul-Jihad-al Islami (HuJI) carried out terror blasts in India." "Yunus's Administration Has Shown Leniency Toward Extremists" "There is a reason for concern in the security establishment of India and other parts of the world. Bangladesh observers say that the most troubling development under the Yunus-led interim government has been the resurgence of Islamist groups – particularly Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) – in Bangladeshi politics. JeI had been marginalized and proscribed under the Hasina government, but the interim government lifted the ban, and has shown great tolerance (if not outright support) for their return to political contests. This signals a dangerous ideological shift. "Yunus has shown the political resolve to tackle these radical elements as they make a comeback in the post-Hasina vacuum. Banned terrorist groups like Hizb ut-Tahrir have begun operating openly again and extremist clerics like Mufti Jashimuddin Rahmani, affiliated with Ansarullah Bangla Team (an Al Qaeda-inspired outfit), have been released. This suggests that the interim government is either unwilling or unable to contain radical forces. "Firstpost earlier reported how Yunus's administration has shown leniency toward extremists while simultaneously cracking down on minority voices. These moves reflect a judiciary increasingly biased toward Islamist narratives and against secular, democratic dissent." Islamist Group JeI Wants To Dismantle "Bangladesh's Parliamentary Democracy In Favor of An Islamic Theocracy" "JeI's influence is not limited to street-level radicalism. It has infiltrated state mechanisms under the Yunus administration. The Firstpost report showed how Jamaat's student wing, Islamic Chhatra Shibir (ICS), played a key role in the student agitation that led to Hasina's removal. They were also reportedly involved in attacks on minority people after Hasina fled to New Delhi for her life. These groups are not just foot soldiers; they are ideologically motivated operatives linked to the Muslim Brotherhood and similar Islamist movements in Turkey, Egypt and the Gulf states. "The growing political clout of JeI is viewed by many as a steppingstone toward dismantling Bangladesh's parliamentary democracy in favor of an Islamic theocracy. Political observers warn that the constitutional reforms proposed under Yunus may serve precisely this goal. The Yunus-led government has formed committees to rewrite Bangladesh's legal and governance frameworks – without any electoral mandate. Critics see this as a calculated move to institutionalize religious conservatism. "This ideological pivot serves both Pakistan and segments of the Islamist world who see Bangladesh as fertile ground for reviving political Islam. Yunus, despite his global persona as a peace-promoting economist, is increasingly being seen as a puppet of JeI and its foreign backers." "Yunus Seems Intent On Postponing The Electoral Process" "... Senior Bangladesh National Party (BNP) leader Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir expressed concerns... that a deliberate and coordinated effort appears to be unfolding to indefinitely postpone the national elections and deny citizens their fundamental democratic rights. "He reflected on the sacrifices made by countless students and civilians in the struggle for democracy, stating that despite those efforts creating a window for positive change, the political atmosphere remains ominous and uncertain. "Within the BNP, growing skepticism surrounds Yunus's intentions regarding the restoration of electoral democracy. Once optimistic about reclaiming power following the fall of the Awami League, the party now feels increasingly marginalized in the evolving political scenario. "Meanwhile, a growing rift is emerging within Bangladesh's interim leadership, with tensions reportedly surfacing between Yunus and Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman. "... General Zaman is said to be advocating for swift national elections to restore democratic governance. In contrast, Yunus seems intent on postponing the electoral process, allegedly aligning himself with factions opposed to Zaman – many of whom are seen as having close ties to foreign governments." "Beijing and Islamabad May Not Have Identical Reasons For Wanting Yunus In Power, But They Converge On One Point: The Need To Suppress Democratic Momentum In A Region Increasingly Influenced By India's Democratic Model" "Authoritarian regimes have a vested interest in supporting or tolerating similar regimes in neighboring countries. Beijing and Islamabad both perceive democratic activism and electoral accountability as existential threats. Yunus's continued delay of elections under the guise of reform and national consensus echoes methods used by authoritarian leaders elsewhere to consolidate power. "Authoritarian governments prefer technocratic regimes that can sideline messy democratic processes. A caretaker government that indefinitely postpones elections is more predictable, easier to negotiate with and less subject to public pressure. Yunus's narrative of needing time for reforms, national consensus and electoral restructuring is a tried-and-true formula for indefinite power retention. "Beijing and Islamabad may not have identical reasons for wanting Yunus in power, but they converge on one point: the need to suppress democratic momentum in a region increasingly influenced by India's democratic model. "A Radicalized, Authoritarian Bangladesh Could Serve, In Theory, As A Base For Anti-India Activities and Even Act As A Corridor For Chinese Influence Reaching Into the Bay of Bengal" "India, Bangladesh's largest neighbor, has also been it longtime ally. But with an elected government toppled, and India-friendly voices sidelined by the Yunus-led government, New Delhi is waiting for a government with popular mandate in Dhaka to redefine bilateral ties. The power vacuum created by Hasina's exit has been quickly filled by forces antithetical to India's regional vision and they seem to be looking at causing a permanent trust deficit with Bangladesh's strongest ally. "By minimizing India's involvement in the events of 1971, the current leadership is signaling a departure from longstanding historical accounts. This move is part of a calculated push to redefine national identity and steer the country in a new political direction. "The exit of Hasina also saw a concerted effort by external powers, reportedly coordinated through Pakistan's ISI, to undermine India's influence in Bangladesh. India, on its part, has called for early elections and refrained from according a permanent legitimacy to a temporary power arrangement in Yunus's office. "This reorientation is not just symbolic. If Bangladesh aligns more closely with Pakistan and China, it may alter the strategic balance in South Asia. A radicalized, authoritarian Bangladesh could serve, in theory, as a base for anti-India activities and even act as a corridor for Chinese influence reaching into the Bay of Bengal. There are, of course, practical and geographical challenges, which Yunus has alluded to in his remarks on India's Northeastern states, drawing sharp flak from New Delhi. "Yunus's interim leadership in Bangladesh, at the same time, looks to mark more than just a temporary change in power. Behind the scenes, it reflects a strategic intervention by China and Pakistan to reshape the balance of power in South Asia. Their support for Yunus is not incidental – it serves a broader goal of undermining India's regional standing. "By elevating a technocrat with connections to Islamist factions, they may quietly be embedding ideological allies in Dhaka's power structure. The continued delay in holding parliamentary election, framed as a reform effort, is effectively a tool to entrench this new order. "Yunus, once hailed globally for his work in microfinance, has now become a convenient figurehead for external interests. As he looks to tighten his grip with minimal internal resistance and declining global scrutiny, democratic space in Bangladesh continues to shrink. "For India, and for proponents of democratic norms, the implications could be significant. Some say India should be more aggressive in countering this shift instead of waiting for an elected government to come back in Dhaka. Recent punitive economic and commercial measures announced by India do signal a shift in approach."
Time of India
4 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Anti-Hasina, pro-JeI actions of B'desh closely connected
The Bangladesh interim regime's decision to charge ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina with committing "crimes against humanity" is intrinsically linked to the move to re-register pro-Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) as a political party and exonerate it from the 1971 war crimes , said analysts. Bangladesh's Supreme Court on Sunday ordered the Election Commission to restore the right-wing JeI's registration, nearly eight months after the interim government lifted a ban on it, clearing the way for its participation in future elections. The same day the interim regime pressed charges against Hasina, who was removed from power in August 2024 following the JeI-backed "street protests". Last week the court overturned the conviction of ATM Azharul Islam, a key JeI leader, who had been sentenced to death in 2014 for rape, murder and genocide during the 1971 war for the liberation of Bangladesh. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Descubra a Segurança Personalizada [Saiba Mais] Alarme Verisure Solicite orçamento Undo It is no secret that the JeI had supported the Pakistan Army during the 1971 war, said one of the analysts, who did not wish to be identified, adding that the Pakistan Army and several JeI leaders actively participated in the genocide and other atrocities against citizens of then East Pakistan. With Pakistan trying to regain its influence in Bangladesh, the reregistration of the JeI gives the Pakistan Army and Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) a shot in the arm, the person said, pointing out that the JeI's pro-Pakistan stand is in sync with the interim regime's chief adviser Muhammad Yunus ' assertion to build "stronger ties" with Pakistan. Live Events The JeI has been an ally of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) for decades but its track record in elections has never matched its rhetoric. It was banned after the independence of Bangladesh for collaborating actively in the genocide perpetrated by Pakistani Army, and the JeI leaders fled abroad into exile. They were rehabilitated by the BNP founder and the then Bangladesh President General Ziaur Rahman. Later, as an ally of the BNP during its rule, the JeI played a critical role in pushing the ISI agenda and giving space to Indian insurgents on Bangladeshi soil, said the analysts cited earlier.
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- Politics
- First Post
Jamaat-e-Islami makes a comeback in Bangladesh: Why it's bad news for India
With Bangladesh's Supreme Court restoring Jamaat-e-Islami's political registration, the controversial Islamist party is poised to return to mainstream politics after a decade-long ban. Given its anti-India stance, historical ties to Pakistan and support from student radicals, what does this mean for New Delhi? read more Supporters of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami occupy street of Matijheel area to hold a rally in Dhaka, Bangladesh, October 28, 2023. File Image/Reuters Bangladesh's Supreme Court has directed the Election Commission to restore the registration of Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), a right-wing Islamist party that had been barred from contesting elections since 2013. The ruling follows nearly a decade-long legal struggle mounted by the party, which had been disqualified by a High Court verdict deeming it incompatible with the country's constitution. The final ruling now enables JeI to once again operate as a recognised political entity and potentially contest future elections. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The decision to restore JeI's registration came after the interim government under Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus assumed power in the aftermath of violent anti-government protests that led to the ouster of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in August 2024. JeI had backed the protests under the platform Students Against Discrimination (SAD), alongside other parties. Soon after the change in administration, the Yunus-led government lifted the ban on Jamaat, allowing the party to reposition itself in the mainstream political sphere. The Election Commission has been tasked with deciding whether the party may resume using its traditional 'scale' symbol. This legal victory was accompanied by another controversial development. The apex court recently overturned the conviction of JeI leader ATM Azharul Islam, who had previously been sentenced to death in 2014 for genocide, rape, and murder during the 1971 Liberation War. The court's decision to acquit Islam, a figure once found guilty of crimes against humanity, further cemented JeI's return to legitimacy. The party's counsel, Mohammad Shishir Manir, said: 'Today concludes the decade-long legal battle. We hope Bangladesh will have a vibrant parliament after this verdict. We hope voters will vote for the Jamaat candidate of their choice now.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The acquittal was welcomed by interim law adviser Asif Nazrul, who credited the July-August 2024 mass movement's leadership for 'creating the scope for establishing this justice.' With JeI's legal and political standing restored, it has now begun an active rebranding campaign ahead of national elections. Why Jamaat-e-Islami is controversial JeI has long had a polarising presence in Bangladesh's political landscape. The party's predecessor, Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan, openly opposed Bangladesh's independence in 1971 and collaborated with the Pakistan Army in its brutal crackdown on the civilian population of East Pakistan. Many of its leaders and activists were found to have participated in atrocities, including mass killings and sexual violence. Following Sheikh Hasina's return to power in 2009, her administration launched legal proceedings against individuals accused of collaborating with Pakistani forces during the war. These efforts were undertaken by the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT-BD), which found several JeI leaders guilty. The convictions were upheld by the Supreme Court, leading to the execution of six senior Jamaat figures and one senior Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) member. JeI's links to regional instability are another cause for concern, especially for neighbouring India. During the BNP-JeI coalition government, which held power in the early 2000s, Indian insurgent groups operating in the northeast were reportedly allowed to operate from Bangladeshi soil. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This changed when Sheikh Hasina came to power and took steps to dismantle insurgent networks, handing over several key figures to Indian authorities. Indian security analysts have also noted JeI's history of receiving backing from Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The party, along with its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, has been accused of spreading radical ideologies and fanning anti-India sentiment within Bangladesh. Chhatra Shibir was a key participant in the protests that led to Hasina's fall in 2024, and it has continued to function as the party's grassroots mobilisation tool. Recently, it faced backlash after an article in its magazine Chhatra Sangbad described Muslim participation in the 1971 Liberation War as 'a failure' and 'a lack of foresight.' Though the group later apologised, the BNP's student wing distanced itself. What this means for India The Islamist party maintains a pro-Pakistan stance and advocates for the establishment of an Islamic state in Bangladesh. This ideological position poses a direct challenge to India's interests, especially as it coincides with attempts to foster closer ties between Bangladesh and Pakistan under the Yunus government. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In fact, JeI's re-entry into politics may offer a gateway for Pakistan to reassert its influence in Dhaka's policymaking circles. Yunus has publicly expressed an interest in strengthening ties with Islamabad, a move that dovetails with JeI's longstanding foreign policy leanings. Indian observers worry that this alignment could weaken India-Bangladesh cooperation on a range of issues including counterterrorism, border security and regional connectivity. The threat extends beyond rhetoric. JeI leaders have met with international delegations to advance controversial proposals. In a recent meeting in Dhaka with Chinese Communist Party (CCP) representatives led by Peng Jiubin, Director-General of the Southeast and South Asian Affairs Bureau, JeI suggested the creation of an independent Rohingya state. According to NDTV, such a move could destabilise the region further, particularly in the context of escalating conflicts along Myanmar's borders, including the rise of the Arakan Army. India, which has invested heavily in regional connectivity initiatives like the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project and the Sittwe Port in Myanmar, could find these efforts undermined. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD These projects are crucial for improving access to India's northeast and enhancing links with Southeast Asia. Any disruption caused by radical shifts in Bangladesh's foreign policy posture or by increased Islamist activism could directly impact India's strategic interests. Are BNP and Jamaat still allies? Although the BNP and Jamaat were long-time allies, recent developments suggest their alliance is under strain. The BNP has distanced itself from JeI since the latter's re-entry into politics and has opposed several of its initiatives, including views expressed on the 1971 war and electoral strategies. One key point of divergence is the timeline for elections. While the BNP has insisted on holding elections by December 2025, Jamaat has shown willingness to allow the interim government to extend its term. This has been interpreted as Jamaat seeking more time to consolidate its political revival. Despite not securing a majority in past elections, JeI has often played the role of kingmaker, influencing political outcomes through strategic alliances. Its renewed legitimacy, coupled with a weakened Awami League — which has been disbanded pending trial for its crackdown on the 2024 protests — raises concerns about a potential reshaping of Bangladesh's political landscape along more radical lines. With inputs from agencies
